The Autobiography Of John Hays Hammond Volume I

The Autobiograpky of Jokn Hays Hammond

JOHN HAYS HAMMOND

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Illustrated with Photographs

VOLUME

1

FARRAR fi? RINEHART INCORPORATED
On Murray Hill, New York

To JMy \\Tife

1881-1933

Contents volume O

ne

PAGE

FOREWORD .......................................... x {

CHAPTER

I. HERITAGE OF A CALIFORNIAN ......................... 3

II. A BOY ON THE FRONTIER ............................. 17

III. IN PURSUIT OF AN EDUCATION ........................ 33

IV. TRAINING AN ENGINEER .............................. 63

V* THE BOTTOM OF THE LADDER ........................ 74

VL GOLD .............................................. 95

VII. OLD MEXICO ........................................ 106

VIII. INSURRECTOS AND INDIANS ............................ 124

IX. IN FAR PLACES ................................... 144

X* ALL IN THE DAY'S WORK ............................ 159

XL GRASS VALLEY AND THE COEUR D'ALENE .............. 176

XIL THE CALL TO AFRICA ............................... 197

XIIL THE EMPIRE BUILDER ................................ 217

XIV. THE WINNING OF RHODESIA ......................... 241

XV. TREKKING THROUGH MATABELELAND .................. 261

XVL DEEP-LEVEL MINING ................................. 29!

XVIL THE REFORM MOVEMENT ............................ 307

XVIII. THE REVOLT OF THE UITLANDERS ..................... 329

XIX. THE TRIAL ......................................... 354

List of Illustrations

FACING
PAGE

John Hays Hammond Frontispiece

Golden Gate, San Francisco, 1855 6

My father, Richard Pindell Hammond 7

My mother, Sarah E. (Hays) Lea Hammond 14

My sister and my brothers, and myself 15

My uncle. Colonel Jack Hays 18

My sister, Mary-Elizabeth: Betty 19

At the bottom of the ladder 26

A Chinese placer miner 27

The steps of "The Cloister' Yale 1876 50

Yale Crew of '73 51

Arthur Twining Hadley 66

Hawley, Cunningham, and myself at Freiberg 67

My wife, Natalie Harris 70

Myself at Freiberg 71

"Hopeful" Bill 98

At the Bunker Hill mine 99

Hacienda at Minas Nuevas 122

The mine at Minas Nuevas 122

I start out to investigate a mine in Mexico 123

Table Mountain, Cape Town 202

Barney Barnato 203

The market place, Johannesburg 210

Dr. Murray and Jackie in my Cape cart 211

Cecil Rhodes 226

IX

x List of Illustrations

FACING
PAGE

Kimberley Diamond Fields ................................. 227

Lobengula ................................................ 242

Matabele .................................................. 243

Voortrekkers .............................................. 258

Oxcarts crossing a stream ................................... 259

Rhodes and Jameson at Groote Schuur ....................... 274

In front of the Zimbabwe ruins .............................. 275

A South African mine ...................................... 290

Kaffir miners .............................................. 291

Oom Paul

Pretoria, the capital of the Transvaal ......................... 315

Offices of the Consolidated Gold Fields ...................... 362

Under guard at Johannesburg ............................. _ 363

J? orewora

o,

alifornia, with its changing
history, vital yet romantic,
derives its very name from a fabled island. Garci Ordonez de Mon~
talvo wrote of this mythical region in the early years of the sixteenth
century: "Know that on the right hand of the Indies there is an
island called California, very close to the side of the Terrestrial Para-
dise . . . the strongest in all the world, with its steep cliffs and rocJ(y
shores" The arms of its inhabitants, he went on to relate, "were all
of gold, and so was the harness of the wild beasts which they tamed
to ride; for in the whole island there was no metal but gold''

Throughout the legendary years of California, the gold lure seems
to have beckoned repeatedly. When Hernando Cortez heard of this
country north of Mexico, his impelling desire was to journey thither
that he might explore for gold. He sent expeditions by both land and
sea, but all failed and his desire was never fulfilled. Other conquista-
dores likewise attempted to open up a way to the alleged wealth of
California, but it remained for the heroic Franciscans men of the
church actually to settle the country.

In 1769, Miguel Jose Serra Junipero a vigorous and dauntless
priest led a party of missionaries from Old and New Spain into
California, for the purpose of converting the savages. They were
not seeding gold and they did not find it. Instead, they found dis-
organized, warring tribes of Indians, whose civilization was unbe-
lievably primitive. They ate anything available. Acorns and roots
were their chief diet, supplemented occasionally by fish and wild
game, reptiles, insect larvae and worms: "almost everything, in fact,
except dogs and men." The men wore styns wrapped around their
loins; the women, from either modesty or vanity, wore double petti-
coats or aprons, nothing more.

The Spanish friars settled down to wor\. They had brought with
them grain, fruits, vegetables and cattle. They tilled the virgin
fields, they irrigated the dry savannas. Indefatigably they educated
the Indians in an attempt to build up an agrarian culture under the

XI

? orewoi

church. Olive groves and vineyards and pasture lands replaced
tangled wilderness. The teaching and training of the Indians \ept
pace with the material development: laboring together, padre and
Indian built and planted, and slowly the California missions came
into being.

Visitors today can see shaded cloisters -, campanarios, patios, foun-
tains, vineyards, and gardens developed by the Franciscans at the cost
of bloodshed and untold sacrifice.

The Hispanic-California era definitely was born when colonists
arrived from Spain and Mexico. Pasture lands were plentiful and
rich. Gradually the great ranchos and haciendas were built up. As
the country developed and became wealthy, the hacendados revived
the culture of Castile and Asturias. These men of Spain, in colorful
and splendid attire, were noble in their bearing, they were gallant,
they were gay. Their music was tuneful; their dances were spirited;
their fiestas were gorgeous in color. Within their hacienda walls
they built up small worlds of activity and contentment. Wayfarers,
riding through the country, never failed to receive a cordial welcome,
genuine hospitality, and often gracious bounty at the ranchos. In
those days, the Calif ornios found life warm and generous.

But their civilization was destined to be transient. Gold lay hid-
den in the hills and its existence was tyiown long before the Forty*
niners. There are well-authenticated stories of Indians coming to
the missions from the bac\-country with small nuggets. One of the
old Franciscan padres, whom I tyew very well, told me that the mis-
sion fathers opposed the Indians in their search for brightly-speckled
nuggets and so far as they were able smothered the reports of gold.
They were interested only in Christianizing and civilizing the savages.
The rancheros were accomplices of the Franciscans, in hushing
rumors of gold. They also feared the arrival of gringos, since they
J(new what sudden wealth might do to the country. They hoped to
preserve their leisurely life at the haciendas.

In 1841, Francisco Lopez, who was employed at the San Fernando
Mission not far from the thriving village of El Pueblo dc Nuestra
Senora la Rcina de Los Angeles, was tracking his strayed burros
through Santa Fdiciana Canyon in the San Fernando Mis. He
picked up a large nugget, which some years later was sent to the

Foreword

Xlll

United States Mint at Philadelphia. This was the first California
gold to be minted, and when stamped into coin had a vdue of
$344-75-

As the result of the Lopez find Joed prospectors of some previous
experience in Sonora and other parts of Mexico started placer mining
in the canyon, and during the course of the next two years panned
out a hundred thousand dollars' worth of gold. This did not in any
way stimulate the search for other gold deposits, however, and played
no part in the development of the country.

The jew non-Spanish settlers who had come to this simple and
peaceful country were not Argonauts. They had come as pioneers
to farm the river valleys and to graze their cattle on the hills. A very
jew with unusud imagination, such as Johann August Sutter, a Swiss
settler, had succeeded in creating great landed estates on the model
of the Old World. Chance intervened to terminate abruptly this pas-
toral life and early development.

On January 24, 1848, James Marshall, a carpenter, was erecting a
sawmill for Johann Sutter on a cree\ running through his princely
estate. A jew yellow speeds shone in the sand of the mill race.
Marshall realized that he had found gold. Swearing the mill crew
to secrecy, he hurried to tell Sutter of his find. But a discovery of this
magnitude could not be conceded. While Marshall was gone, the
mill crew whispered among themselves at first, and then confided in
their wives and neighbors. The news spread with incredible rapidity
up and down the west coast, across the Pacific Ocean. Within six
months it had reached the eastern seaboard of the United States.

Towards the end of 1848 a huge tide of gold-seeders, adventurers,
and traders set out for California. The peaceful mission life, the
quiet plenty of hacendados and early colonists was over; the western
Annus Mirabilis had arrived -The Year of the Gold! The Age of
Gold had succeeded the Golden Age, and, as the historian Bancroft
observes, "how different!"

JLlie Autobiography ol Joim Hays Hammond

CHAPTER ONE

Heritage of a Calif<

orman

THE FORTY-NINERS AND OTHERS SAN FRANCISCO

EMERGES FROM THE FLATS EMPEROR NORTON
''COUSIN LILY" ANSWERS THE FIRE ALARM
CHINATOWN AND THE BARBARY COAST JUDGE LYNCH
AND THE VIGILANTES THE PIONEER CREED SAN
FRANCISCO OF THE SIXTIES MY FIRST EARTH-
QUAKE THE PONY EXPRESS BRINGS NEWS OF WAR

o

X^^ 01

fn April i, 1849, the steamer Oregon,

out of Panama, slipped into the quiet

waters of the harbor of San Francisco. This small side-wheeler was
bearing the first, or nearly the first, of the Argonauts answering the
call of gold. As she cleared the Golden Gate, her bow was black
with tense figures gazing eagerly over the mud flats and sand hills
towards the mountains in which lay El Dorado.

Among the adventurers who streamed down the gangplank was
my father, Richard Pindell Hammond, major of artillery in the
United States Army, who had been ordered to the new territory of
California for garrison duty.

Precluded by his position from joining the rush to the diggings, he
yet, by virtue of the date of his arrival, was entitled to hold the full
rank of a Forty-niner.

While a distinction between the pioneer of 1849 and the pioneer
of 1850 might seem purely arbitrary, the first comers affected to see
a great difference, and made of it a point of pride. They asserted that
they alone had broken the trail and others, coming even as recently

3

4 The Autooiography of Jokn Hays Hammond

as Fifty or Fifty-one, were merely followers. One was either a Forty-
niner, or one was not. To the former category belonged the elect
who had led the way to fame and fortune; if so benighted as to have
been a follower instead of a leader in the memorable hegira, one was,
to say the least, unfortunate.

This distinction of priority was sometimes carried to inordinate
lengths. When Stephen J. Field, afterwards associate justice of the
United States Supreme Court, offered himself as a candidate for the
newly created office of alcalde of Marysville, a small village on the
Yuba River above Sacramento, the supporters of a rival candidate
Objected to him on the ground that he was a newcomer. Field had
been there only three days; his opponent had been there six.

In spite of its stately name, the village of San Francisco was in
1849 no more than a heterogeneous collection of huts and canvas
shelters, sprawling over the flats bordering the bay. In the wake of
the gold discovery, California began to receive the mounting tide of
fortune hunters, and San Francisco was the distributing point of all
those who came by sea.

My father's military duties in San Francisco could not have been
onerous; during the first few months after his arrival he found time
to embark in other activities. In partnership with General William
Tecumseh Sherman, a West Point collegemate who had already been
a year in California, he made a survey for the promoters of a new
city. In the heated imagination of the forward-looking California
real estate men of 1849, titai* town was to rival the Atlantic metrop-
olis and to become the "New York of the Pacific," According to
their theory, and looking back it would seem reasonable, all traffic
inland would have to stop at its wharves to equip for expeditions to
the outlying mining districts up the Sacramento and San Joaquin
rivers. This dream city never materialized; in fact, during 1850 it
had a post office just long enough to postmark one envelope*

In spite of this initial failure, the idea of converting waste land into
home sites had so captured my father's imagination that in 1851 he
resigned from the army and formed a partnership with Captain
Charles M. Webber. As surveyors and engineers, these two young
men laid out the city of Stockton, which grew and prospered. Lo-

Heritage of a Californian 5

cated at the head of navigation of the San Joaquin River, it became
the logical outfitting station for miners heading for the central part
of the state. They also planned Tuolumne which, having no raison
d'etre, soon disappeared.

By this time my father had become a man of mark in the com-
munity and was shortly after elected to the State Assembly; in 1852
he was chosen speaker of the House. His main interest thereafter
was in the political organization of his adopted city and state.

Many of his fellow officers in the Mexican War had likewise fol-
lowed the swing westward. Among them was John Coffee Hays,
former colonel of the Texas Rangers, known to his admiring con-
temporaries and to history as Colonel Jack. In 1851 he became the
first sheriff of the turbulent community of San Francisco. This
honor was by no means uncontested. The colonel's opponent, a store-
keeper, proved to be a serious rival. With great political sagacity, he
hired a brass band to play in front of his store on election day and
was fast polling all the votes.

When Colonel Hays realized the emergency, he mounted his horse,
a beautiful, spirited, black animal, perfectly trained to obey the slight-
est word or touch. Galloping into the middle of the plaza, where
the voting was taking place, the colonel put his mount through
one fancy turn after another, and continued to make him dance to
his rival's music until the polls were finally closed. The votes were
counted and the colonel had won.

The tide of pioneers was steadily mounting during the early fifties.
Whether the western adventurers came "the Horn around, die Isth-
mus across, or the land over," the trip entailed hardship and heart-
break. In 1852 my mother, Sarah E. (Hays) Lea, a widow with a
small daughter, started out on the hazardous journey to California
to visit her brother, Colonel Hays.

Leaving her ship at Aspinwall, now Colon, in company with the
throngs of gold-seekers she crossed the Isthmus by donkey-train
through the pestilential jungles. It took a lot of courage as well as
physical endurance to survive this trip. Many people died on the
way. Although my mother and her daughter Lucy were fortunate
in avoiding the deadly yellow fever, they were, like all the pilgrims,
ill and exhausted when at last they reached San Francisco.

6 The Autobiography of JoLn Hays Hammond

Soon after her arrival, she met my father, and in 1854 they were
married.

My introduction to this world occurred in San Francisco, March
3 1 * J 855> Just seven years after Marshall's joyous eureka had startled
the globe* Although the oldest of seven children, I was necessarily
relegated to the inferior category of "followers" of the Forty-niners,
who could hope to achieve only reflected glory, and whose duty it
was to regard the Ancients with the reverence and the solemnity
which were their due.

The San Francisco of my infancy was greatly changed from the
straggling little settlement my father had seen from the crowded
deck of the side-wheeler barely six years earlier. In spite of the con-
stant traffic to and from the mines, there was an air of settled busi-
ness. The town had been on several occasions almost entirely de-
stroyed by fire, and each time, by the undef eatable energy of its sturdy
citizens, had been rebuilt and better built. In the business section
the stores, saloons, and lodging houses of canvas or rough boards had
given way for the most part to brick buildings, sometimes as much as
two stories high. With almost incredible rapidity the haphazard vil-
lage of the gold year had climbed up Telegraph, Russian, and Rincon
hills. Seven years later there was a population of 70,000.

The houses on Rincon Hill, then the fashionable section of San
Francisco and the one in whicfi our home was located, were con-
structed of wood. The dusty, unpaved streets were soon covered with
planks, slivers from which would catch in the women's long dresses
of the period. Although prairie schooners and springless dead-ax
wagons were still to be seen, they were no longer in danger of being
mired to the hub; and the humorous signs, "This street is not pass-
ablenot even jackassable," had disappeared.

The sidewalks were constantly crowded with human beings of
every class and description. Sunday was a gala day, with gambling
halls, theaters, and saloons wide open and crowded- Sailors of every
nationality rolled arm in arm along the streets, miners lounged in
saloon doorways, Chinese in native costume, with pigtails swinging,
padded along unobtrusively, dark-skinned hacendados wearing broad
sombreros clattered in from their great ranchos. Noticeable among
the crowd, by virtue of the great diamonds glittering in their cravats

GOLDEN GATE, SAN FRANCISCO, 1855

MY FATHER, RICHARD PINDEJLL, HAMMOND,
ON LEAVING WEST POINT

Heritage of a California*! 7

and on their conspicuously white hands, were the gamblers* The
black felt hat, the Prince Albert coat, and the golden cable looped
across the waistcoat was the exaggerated uniform of their trade.

The odd and picturesque features of San Francisco life in the early
sixties were naturally those which most deeply imprinted themselves
on my boyish mind. Many were the conspicuous characters to be
seen on the streets of San Francisco, but most vivid to my youthful
recollection was that remarkable character known as "Emperor"
Norton, whose story illustrates the freehanded generosity and kindli-
ness of the time.

Although born in Pennsylvania, the emperor had long been a Cali-
fornia fixture. It was said that, after one of the fires of the fifties,
in which he lost all his property, his mind went astray, and he an-
nounced himself Emperor of the United States and Proctector of
Mexico. There is also good authority that he once offered his hand
in marriage to Queen Victoria. In any case, he was accustomed to
bear himself as much like an emperor as an American could, walking
majestically and speaking to all in graciously royal tones. As well as
ancient and shabby clothes would permit, he dressed his part, often
completing his costume with tarnished gold epaulets of great mag*
nificence, and a marshal's hat.

Even boys like myself were generous and indulgent to the old
fellow. He had become an institution, and editors were glad to insert
in their newspapers his "proclamations" to his loyal subjects:

Know ye whom it may concern that W. Norton I, Em-
peror Dei gratia of the United States and Protector of
Mexico, have heard serious complaints from our adher-
ents and all that our imperial wardrobe is a national
disgrace, and even His Majesty the King of Pain has
had his sympathy excited so far as to offer us a suit of
clothing, which we have a delicacy in accepting. There-
fore we warn those whose duty it is to attend to these
affairs that their scalps are in danger if our said need is
unheeded.

At long intervals, when his well-worn suit of clothes became too
obviously unfitted to his exalted rank, the Board of Supervisors pre-

8 Tne Autooiography of John Hays Hammond

sented him with a new one He was allowed to order meals in
restaurants, and regally charge them to the imperial account. The
fact that he could draw checks of from fifty cents to five dollars and
find bank tellers kind enough to honor them might indicate that he
was not completely deranged.

For twenty years his make-believe kingdom endured, and when he
died in 1880 he was given a public funeral.

After all these years San Francisco has remained loyal to the mem-
ory of Norton. Recently he was reburied in Woodland Memorial
Park, and a battalion of United States infantry fired a three-gun
salute over the grave of Emperor Norton I.

There was no paid fire department in the city; each ward had
its own engine and volunteer fire company. One of the companies,
called the Occidental, was made up of younger members of promi-
nent San Francisco families. As a young boy it was my greatest
delight to hear the fire alarm tolling from the tower of the City Hall
where a lookout was posted day and night. All the boys of the
neighborhood answered the call and ran behind the engine for what
seemed to us miles. At the scene of the fire we were very much in
the way but we enjoyed the excitement hugely.

Our most honored honorary member was the daughter of a retired
army officer, Dr. Charles Hitchcock. Cousin Lily, as I called her,
was a high-spirited girl, who roused an individual conflagration in
the breast of each member of the company. She was so earnest a
devotee that even at a ball she wore her fire badge. When the alarm
sounded, she always sat with the driver on the fire engine.

In those days everybody employed Chinese servants and found
them remarkably reliable, faithful, and efficient. When a tong war
was not raging, or the yellow plague flag had not been run up in
the Chinese quarter, I was allowed to go there with our cook. Even
in so colorful and so bizarre a place as San Francisco the Chinese
section struck a gaudy alien note shrill piping music and unfamil-
iar smells, slant-eyed children tumbling around the streets, and some-
times a woman toddling on miniature bound feet, looking as though
she were about to capsize. I always came home laden with fire-
crackers and exotic sweets.

Heritage of a Califomian 9

There was one place strictly forbidden to me but from which faint
echoes constantly drifted into my world. This was the Barbary Coast.
Crowded with saloons, dance halls, brothels, gambling dens, sailors'
boarding houses, and doss joints, it gave San Francisco the reputa-
tion of being the "Wickedest City in the World " Gamblers, harlots,
press gangs, and confidence men kept wary eyes upon gold-seekers
and battened on them. Since the Barbary Coast was outside the pale
of the respectable community, however, it represented but a small
and unobtrusive part of the life of the city.

By the time I was ten years old the problem of controlling the
criminal and lawless elements in this frontier society had already
been solved by the Vigilantes. I often heard tales of their deeds from
Colonel Hays, General Sherman, and William T. Coleman, a promi-
nent merchant and former leader.

The issue between crime and order had been fought out chiefly in
San Francisco. The three outlying river towns, Marysville, Sacra-
mento, and Stockton, each a terminus of steamer transportation
towards the gold-bearing foothills, had yielded precedence to the sea-
port, which was now indisputably a city. In its turbulent population
the slow and peaceful method of developing orderly government, as
practiced in the New England town meeting, had been obviously -
impossible. The efforts of the elected authorities had grown con-
stantly more feeble and ineffectual.

The irregular endeavors to establish order in 1849 ^d 1851 culmi-
nated in the movement of 1856. At that time the government of
California, headed by a governor, a legislature, and a supreme court,
had been completely paralyzed by corrupt politics. In San Francisco,
session after session of the court meted out no justice; murder after
murder went unpunished; crime after crime against property was
committed in places high and low. Merchants, bankers, and profes-
sional men, disgusted by the very word "law," decided to defy the
rankly unjust decisions of the supreme court as well as the grossly
illegal and partisan orders of Governor J. Neely Johnson.

Angered beyond endurance by the murder of a San Francisco
editor, the great Vigilance Committee of 1856 was formed under the
leadership of W. T. Coleman. Its members assumed every responsi-
bility. In the harbor they seized coastwise schooners laden with

10 Tke AutoLiograpty of JoJm Mays Hammond

arms which they believed had been sent against them by Governor
Johnson. Known criminals were tracked down, captured, and tried
in orderly fashion. If convicted, they were publicly hanged from a
beam protruding from a headquarters' window. The executions
were carried out in the presence of the Vigilantes and of curious
crowds. San Francisco was swept as clean of crime as was ever pos-
sible in any such frontier city.

On the day the committee felt its object had been accomplished,
the total membership, accompanied by its artillery, marched in
column through the town. But, as the procession broke ranks and
mingled with the crowd, the word was passed from mouth to mouth
that the Committee of Vigilance was "fully prepared to reassemble
and resume duty whenever necessary!" Not only did the memory
of its stern justice continue as a restraining force over the evil im-
pulses of our farthest west communities, but the substantial citizens
who had led the revolt against constituted law continued to operate
individually as protective influences.

Years later, in 1880, acts of violence again became frequent* The
loud-mouthed rantings of Dennis Kearney, the Sand Lot Orator,
were directed principally against the wealthy man and the Chinese
laborer. Kearney's followers were brawny malcontents who, be-
cause of their numbers, constituted a serious menace. They gathered
around him on the sand lots throughout the city and gave vociferous
approval to his threats to bomb the mansions on aristocratic Nob
Hill and to do away with their owners.

At that time my father was chairman of the Board of Police Com-
missioners of the city. Although obviously, under these conditions,
the office was not a sinecure, my father and his associates (William
Alvord, president of the Bank of California, and Richard Tobin,
president of the Hibernia Bank), men of brains, firmness, and
courage, took a determined stand for the preservation of law and
order in San Francisco.

^ My younger brother Harry, who had graduated from West Point
in 1877, was then practicing law in San Francisco, and accepted the
position of colonel in the state militia. In order, to be prepared for
any serious uprising of the Kearney followers, he stipulated that, i
his soldiers were attacked, there was to be no firing of blank car-

Heritage of a Californian 11

tridges or aiming over the heads of tie rioters. This warning un-
doubtedly had a deterrent effect on the mob element.

Coleman finally decided that some action must be taken to curb
Kearney. With this in mind he arranged a meeting with him at
the Grand Hotel in Market Street.

"Kearney," he stated firmly, "y u know I'm a man of my word.
I was the head of one of the vigilance committees of the early days
and helped to hang a lot of damned scoundrels. Now, I want to
warn you: if anybody who lives on Nob Hill is injured or any house
is blown up, 111 catch you and hang you on the lamppost you see
outside this window!"

What Coleman told Dennis Kearney in the Grand Hotel was ef-
fective. No outbreak took place. The spirit of the Vigilante still
survives as is evidenced by the events in San Francisco in 1934.

In addition to the criminal outbreaks which cast a lurid glare over
early San Francisco society, another phase of violence grew naturally
from the almost universal habit of carrying a gun. Duels took place
with great frequency.

The most famous of the California duels occurred on September
13, 1859, between United States Senator David C. Broderick and
Judge Davis S. Terry of the state supreme court. During an acrimoni-
ous political campaign insults had been exchanged and a challenge
followed. The two principals met in a gray fog in an open space
by Lake Merced, just outside San Francisco. Broderick was shot
through the lungs and died within a few hours.

I was only four years old at the time, but I later became a close
friend of the Terry boys who would repeat the details of the duel
to me. Furthermore, my uncle, Dr. William H. Hammond, was the
surgeon attending Terry. I have never forgotten his description of
how Broderick's German physician, Dr. Loehr, displayed a some-
what tactless efficiency in laying out on the ground under a tree his
whole equipment of knives, scissors, bandages, and bottles.

My uncle always opposed the orthodox view that Broderick was
so helpless against the superior skill of Terry that he was, in effect,
murdered. As a matter of fact, Broderick was the better shot. Terry
had a bad reputation for getting into trouble, and his favorite weapon
was the Bowie knife, with which he was very skillful; he was no ex-

12 Tke Autobiography of Jonn Hays Hammona

pert with the pistol. The error was actually made by Broderick's own
second who did not ascertain that the pistols were unequal in action.
The one given to Broderick was exceptionally light on the trigger;
it went off before Broderick had taken proper aim. Terry then had
a free shot and Broderick was killed. I have often seen these pistols
and held them in my hands. They were old dueling pistols belong-
ing to Dr. Dan Aylette, a friend of my father.

There was poetic justic in Terry's own end several decades later.
He emerged from the cloud under which he had been living since
the duel to become attorney for Sarah Althea Hill, commonly re-
ferred to as the Rose of Sharon because of her relations with Senator
Sharon of Nevada, multimillionaire Comstock mine owner. During
the suit Terry became very angry at the ruling of Justice Stephen J.
Field, who was trying the case. He threatened to retaliate when-
ever the opportunity should present itself. Although Terry lost the
case, he married his client.

By chance, Field and Terry later met in the lunchroom at Lathrop,
on the Southern Pacific Railway. Justice Field, accompanied by a
United States marshal assigned to him as bodyguard, had seated him-
self at a table. Terry approached Field and, after a few words., struck
him in the face. The marshal thereupon shot Terry dead, Mrs.
Terry ended her days in an asylum.

The Terry-Broderick duel was the last of any importance in Cali-
fornia, although dueling persisted in other parts of the country. As
a matter of fact, the men who originally introduced dueling in the
Far West had in the main come from the South and had brought
the code duello with them.

Since public affairs were generally conducted in the Balkan fashion
in those times, it was often unwise for any man to take too radical a
stand unless he was prepared to vindicate his principles by ordeal of
combat. Dueling did have one good effect. The risk of incurring
a challenge undoubtedly encouraged prudence in speech. It be-
hooved every man to guard his tongue carefully, for the words "liar"
and "scoundrel" were not used idly; they were intended as affronts
and accepted as such. Dueling was, in fact, so inextricably bound
up with one's personal character and social standing that, as Judge
Edward McGowan remarked long afterwards, "It required more

W Heritage of a Californian 13

bravery to decline than to accept a challenge, and the man in Cali-
fornia in those early days who refused to fight when challenged was
considered outside the pale of genteel society."

By the time I was old enough to go alone to the wharves, the
original mud flats had been filled in, and new land extended from
Sansome Street toward the bay. Rather than take the trouble or go
to the expense of removing the hulks which had been beached on
the flats, earth had been dumped around them. The old steamer
Niantic had even been turned into a hotel and was so used until
finally destroyed by fire.

In place of the Civic Center, with its municipal buildings, opera
house, library, and gardens, were sand hills overgrown with sparse
brush. On the site of the present Golden Gate Park I hunted rabbits
and quail, and even caught a wildcat now and then.

Regular steamer days came only about once a month. As soon
as a steamer was sighted outside Golden Gate, the flag was run up
on Telegraph Hill. Everybody who could possibly leave his duties
r hurried to the wharf. If we were lucky enough to be free of school
at the moment, my schoolmates and I would rush to see the steamer
dock and watch the cargo being unloaded.

In the sixties and seventies the so-called bonanza kings began to
build enormous homes on Rincon and Nob hills. The fact that these
houses were pretentious did not establish for their owners any social
superiority. San Francisco was pre-eminently known for the spirit
of democracy that prevailed there.

There was no such thing as planned architecture. W. T. Coleman
owned a Roman villa, George Hearst (later a senator) erected a
Spanish palace, James Ben All Haggin, his partner, lived in a huge
gray mansard structure, and Jim Flood, of Nevada silver fame, in-
habited a huge brownstone mansion surrounded by a brass fence, the
, polishing of which was one man's full-time job. This is now the
"Pacific-Union Club, of which my father was the first president.
The houses which had come around the Horn in sections from New
; England were curiosities in architecture. When they were put to-
gether again, the pieces somehow did not seem to match.

The influence of the many Southerners in the community un-
doubtedly was a contributing factor to the generous and gay flavor

14 Tke Autoliograpky of Joim Hays Hammond

which San Francisco possesses. For many years the city has been
renowned for its incomparable restaurants, surpassing even those of
New Orleans. This was not because the chefs and cuisines were
superior to those of Paris, Vienna, and other parts of the world, but
because the climate and the other unique characteristics of the coun-
try made available an extraordinary variety of rare meats, fruits, vege-
tables, and wild game. Complementary to this the cosmopolitan char-
acter of the population was responsible for variety and color in the
changing customs and amenities of the city. Each racial unit had
its own types of food, and expert methods of preparing them, French,
German, Mexican, Chinese, and Italian restaurants catered to gour-
mets of all nationalities. Among the more famous cafs of the
seventies and eighties were Jacks, Maison Doree, Poodle Dog, Pup,
and Jules for wild duck.

At the age of eleven I had my share in a type of excitement
common to Californians. Prior to 1906, an earthquake was called
an earthquake and not a fire. One morning, with other boys, I was
playing baseball, and, while running to catch a fly, I was tumbled
suddenly to the ground by a sharp shock. The batter was too fright-
ened to take advantage of his base hit. Several "bad" little Mexican
boys, who were clandestinely smoking cigarettes on a platform they
had built in a tree for a secret refuge, fell on their knees and prayed
loudly for the intervention of the saints, promising complete reform.

During the next few days there were many quakes and, much to
our delight, school was dismissed for the week.

On the following Sunday in church, I remember that we were
startled by a slight tremor, and a slow but definite foreboding filled
our minds. The minister appealed to the congregation to remain
seated, saying, not very convincingly, that there wa$ no danger. At
that moment the building shook again. Seeing his previous state-
ment had not quieted the evident alarm of his congregation, he said,
even less convincingly, that there could be no safer place than the
House of the Lord.

Just then came a shock that rocked the building. The pastor
tumbled down from his pulpit and fled precipitately up tbe aisle aad
out, mmsxiag, as he outdistanced his ffiock, TU take m? dbauces
outsider

MY MOTHER, SARAH E. (HAYS) LEA HAMMOND

MY SISTER AND MY BROTHERS, AND MYSELF: JOHN,
MAKY-ELIZABETH, HARRY, WILLIAM

Heritage of a Cat for man 15

As a youthful but enthusiastic stamp collecter, I was particularly
interested in the incoming foreign mail. After each boat was docked
I made what for me was a considerable journey to the various mer-
cantile houses on California, Montgomery, and Sansome streets. Hat
in hand, after mustering up the necessary nerve, I bolted into the
establishment, introduced myself and asked whether I might have
some stamps from the newly arrived mail. Since my father was
known to every merchant in town, I usually had good luck. If the
merchant happened to be busy, I would tactfully excuse myself and
unfailingly return next day.

My early collection was destroyed in the San Francisco fire and
I never had another collection hobby until I started a gallery of signed
photographs of men whom I admired for their achievements,

My father often had to go on business to Sacramento. I was some-
times allowed to accompany him on the overnight boat trip. Al-
though it was the capital of the state, Sacramento was only a strag-
gling village, and frequently the river overflowed and we had to
make our calls in rowboats through the flooded streets*

Sacramento was built around what had formerly been Sutter's Fort
and was not only the point at which the prospectors outfitted, but
also the terminus of the Pony Express, and the Overland Stage line.
It was thrilling for me to see the six-horse stagecoach start off on the
two thousand mile trip to the railhead at St. Joseph, Missouri, col-
loquially known as St. Joe. Inside were the passengers, high up on
top was the luggage; in front was the driver, and directly behind him
the Wells-Fargo shotgun messenger.

Even more exciting was the arrival of the Pony Express, which
covered the same distance in nine days. Whenever I had the good
fortune to be in Sacramento the day it was due, I was always to be
found among the yelling crowd as the jingling, sweating little cayuses
came pounding in to the station.

Up to August, 1860, the through rates on the Pony Express were
$5.00 per half-ounce or under, but from that date letters weighing a
quarter-ounce or under were carried for $2.50. At one time I had
the largest collection of Pony Express franks of any philatelist of
my acquaintance.

16 The Autobiography of John Hays Hammond

The Pony Express service owned several hundred horses and em-
ployed upwards of a hundred plucky riders, who made their way
through country infested with Indians, over snow-clad mountains,
and across arid deserts. Now an airmail letter can be sent for six cents
from New York to San Francisco in twenty-four hours, and the trip
has been made in less than twelve hours.

It was the Pony Express that brought from the Missouri River the
first faint rumblings of impending civil conflict.

CHAPTER TWO

A Boy on tke Frontier

THE YOUNG SECESH THE MARTIAL HAYS* AND
HAMMONDS COLONEL JACK THE ENCHANTED
ROCK HEROES AND HERO WORSHIP LEARNING
TO ROUGH IT REHABILITATING SILVER
THE BRET HARTE COUNTRY AND THE
YOSEMITE VALLEY PANNING MY FIRST GOLD

began my formal education
^ _ during the Civil War. I was

sent to the Lincoln public school, in San Francisco, which at that
time contained about two hundred pupils. It was an excellent school
and we received good training. It was not because of the fact that
my father was president of the Board of Education that I went to
a public school, but because he could not afford a tutor or private
school. Possibly as a result of my own experience, I have always
been a great believer in sending children to public schools.

Because our parents were from the South, we considered ourselves
Southerners, and my brothers and I had many a fist fight with the
Yankees of our own age.

My mother's family came from Tennessee and, like my father's,
included many soldiers. Her grandfather, and other relatives, served
under Jackson at the Battle of New Orleans in 1815. It was he who
built the Hermitage, near Nashville, which he later sold to President
Jackson.

One of my mother's brothers was General Harry T. Hays, com-
mander of the famous Louisiana Tigers in the Confederate Army.

18 Tne Automograpny of Join Hays Hammond

Another brother was John Coffee Hays Colonel Jack, of the Texas
Rangers, for whom I was named. He was sixteen when both his
parents died within a few days of each other, of yellow fever. The
seven orphans were taken by an uncle to his plantation in Mississippi.
One morning in 1837 Jack's aunt found attached to her pincushion
a note in which Jack said: "I have decided to lighten the burden of
so large a family by making my own way in the world, and I have
gone away."

Although California was a Union state, and the Southerners there
were viewed with suspicion during the Civil War, yet we were so
far removed from the scene of actual conflict that the bitterness of
personal animus was greatly lessened. Some Southerners, including
my uncle, Colonel Jack Hays, were paroled, after giving their word
to the northern officers that they would not join the southern cause.

My father found his business enterprises made difficult by the war;
his political activities ceased. Many northern officers in command in
California were his West Point friends, and they were as considerate
as possible of my mother's feelings. The progress of the war was so
tactfully touched upon when they visited at our house that friendly
relations were maintained throughout the struggle.

In later years I asked my father why he had not joined one army
or the other. His answer was that, although then reputed a wealthy
man, he had at the moment lost so heavily in a worthless gold mine
and other ventures that he did not feel justified in leaving a wife
and small children.

Of far more importance than this, however, was the fact that he
could not give whole-hearted allegiance to either side. He believed
firmly that the war had been brought on by northern and southern
politicians: had it not been for the intemperate attitude of the leaders
on both sides, some compromise could have been worked out and
war averted. Unfortunately for his peace of mind, he was a Unionist,
in that he opposed dismemberment of the Union, while his natural
sympathies were with the South.

Most of the Hammonds had led adventurous lives from the time
they fir$t left England and settled down in Maryland where they
intermarried with the Ringgolds, Tilghmans, Lloyds, Galloways, and

MY UNCLE, COLONEL JACK HAYS, ON ENCHANTED ROCK

MY SISTER, MARY-ELIZABETH: BETTY

A Boy on tke Frontier 19

other prominent families who have their roots in the f oundations of
the colony.

Major General John Hammond had been vice-admiralty judge,
member of the House of Burgesses, and one of His Majesty's Council
in that colony. His tomb is still to be seen in Annapolis at the en-
trance of St. Ann's Protestant Episcopal Church. The ground on
which it stands had been deeded by him "in evidence of the love
I bear my fellow man." On his death in 1707 he left a sum of money
to be expended in the purchase of a brass-bound Bible, cherished to
this day in the archives of St. Ann's.

His great-grandson, Mathias, built at Annapolis the house still
known as the Hammond-Harwood house, one of the finest examples
of Colonial architecture extant in America. The story is that this
home, planned and constructed by him for his future wife, finally
led to the breaking of their engagement. He became so much in-
terested in the building and its furnishings, which he collected with
exquisite taste, that he failed to pay his fiancee the attentions she
thought due her. After suffering what she considered his neglect
for some time, the young lady finally lost patience and sent her negro
servant to return ring and presents to young Mathias. Neither ever
married.

My grandfather, Dr. William Hammond, army surgeon, was a
Forty-niner in the same sense as my father. He had arrived in San
Francisco in the autumn of 1849 and was stationed at Benicia, where
he died in 1851. Two other sons, my uncles, came to California
about this time. William Hammond, Jr., was first surgeon in the
United States Army and later a well-known practitioner in San
Francisco. George H. Hammond, surgeon in the navy, served under
Commodore Farragut at Mare Island and was lost under the same
command in the Civil War. My father and my uncles had been with
my grandfather in the Mexican War.

My father was born in 1820 in Hagerstown, Maryland. At the
age of twenty-nine when he came to California, his life had akeady
been full of adventure. At seventeen, he had been appointed a cadet
to West Point by President Jackson, a personal friend of my grand-
father. After his graduation in 1841 he was sent to Fort McHenry,
in Baltimore. He was still there when, just after the Seminole War,

20 Tne Autobiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammoncl

Inspector General Quitman came through on a tour of inspection of
the South. The general attached my father to his staff and then in-
quired: "Do you know any West Pointer who can write a good
legible report, and who has a legal trend of mind? I'd like to take
him along with us."

My father replied: "There's William T. Sherman who's recruiting
out in Ohio. IVe just had a letter from him and he doesn't like his
work there/'

Sherman was sent for and joined them on the tour of inspection.
Years later Sherman told me that the working knowledge of the
topography of the South obtained at this time proved of inestimable
value to him on his March to the Sea. At the beginning of the
Mexican War, in 1846, Sherman was ordered to California, and con-
sequently had no part in it.

My father was summoned to West Point but found a substitute
for that unwelcome detail and went instead to Mexico, where he
served under General James Shields. After participating with his
regiment in the siege of Vera Cruz, he was made captain for gallant
and meritorious conduct at Cerro Gordo. Later at Contreras and
Churubusco his gallantry won him the further rank of brevet major.
During the storming of Chapultepec, as related by the United States
Army Register, he narrowly escaped death, his horse being shot
under him, and he himself being slightly wounded. The Register
continues:

When the city of the Montezumas fell into the hands
of the Americans, Major Hammond was appointed Sec-
retary of the State Government, and acting Judge Ad-
vocate. After the close of the war, Major Hammond
was ordered to California, and resigned from the Army,
May 31, 1851.

My father was fortunate in his military career, in having as his
associates many officers who later, in a far more terrible conflict,
were to rise to fame on one side or the other. He won the enduring
friendship of Robert E. Lee and Joseph Eccleston Johnston. Many
of their letters to him, which have been preserved, show the mutually
affectionate relations founded during the stormy days of the Mexican
campaign.

A Boy on tke Frontier 21

The friendship with Lee was particularly close. In the National
Palace in Mexico City the two shared the same room. I still have a
yellowed slip of paper in Lee's handwriting, which reveals an un-
expected touch of humor in this period before sadder days descended
upon the great Confederate leader. Written from Mexico City, it
imitated the manner of army regulations, and was facetiously en-
titled "Memo for Sir Richard/' who was about to depart for the
States. Lee adjured him:

1. Not to go mad, either from joy or drink.

2. To eschew all tigers, etc.

3. The three boxes, marked 'G. W. P. Custis, etc.* to be
shipped to the Dist. of Columbia, to Mr, Custis, or
to Baltimore to Mr. L. Marshall, Esq., U. S. Dist.
Attorney.

4. The grey pony, to have the same destination. Par-
ticular directions to be given about his tail, and mane,
and being covered at sea. He is provided with two
covers.

5. All bills of expense to be forwarded to the consigners.
The Pony has fifty dollars, for current expenses.

6. Get Miss Follie, or Virginia Mason, to ride out to
Arlington with him when he is in the District. Any
other pretty girl will do as well.

7. Sometimes think of

R. E. LEE

When the Civil War broke out, Lee and Johnston wanted my
father's services for the South, while his old commander, Shields,
demanded him for the Union Army.

"I wish to God you were here/' wrote General Shields from Wash-
ington when about to take the field with his division in March, 1862:

I would give half my pay to have you with me as
Adjutant. If I thought you would, I would leave it
open. I find no such soldier as you in the army, and
you are not so well fitted for anything else. The Presi-
dent and Secretary of War are as honest and Democratic

22 The Autobiography of John Hays Hammond

as I want. God never made an honester man than Lin-
coln, nor a nobler, truer man than Stanton. Either of
them has more honesty in his finger than Jeff Davis in
his body. By the way, Jeff has killed the southern revo-
lution. He has made it as tame as a meeting house con-
venticle. I knew he would do that and the South has
found it out too late. Jeff for President, and a Jew for
Secretary of War, and drunken M. for Secretary of the
Navy, you can easily figure out the end. If you want to
come telegraph. I know what your friends will say,
but if they knew all I know now, they would advise you
to do it.

I would not give you as a soldier for any two I have
met here. You are a born soldier and a made soldier,
and cannot be anything else,

A month later Shields sent him another message from his head-
quarters at Strasburg, Virginia:

We have had an interesting fight, I wish you could
have been there. It would have reminded you of old
times . . . The war is not over yet. There will be many
a hard fight before the South goes down. They fight
hard, at least their Potomac Army does*

I learned to appreciate the value of my father's army connections
when, after the war, I was privileged to meet on terms of friendship
such men as Sherman, Grant, McClellan, McDowell, Hallcck, Sheri-
dan, Longstreet, Beauregard, Johnston, Hancock, Rosccrans, Gibson,
arid other heroes of the Civil War. I listened eagerly as these men
gave their views of the problems facing the country in the difficult
period of reconstruction.

Of all these generals I knew Sherman best. In fact, I persuaded
him to send his son Tom to Yale, and I always felt a certain re-
sponsibility to look out for Tom while he was there. This didn't
prove irksome.

A Boy on tke Frontier 23

During the eighteen-eighties McClellan, then living in New York,
often dropped in at my office and took me to a little restaurant in
Hanover Square where they served excellent Mexican food.
^ On my return from a Central American mining trip in the middle
eighties I stopped off at New Orleans. There I spent a delightful
day with Beauregard and Longstreet. The state had asked these two
generals to head the huge Louisiana lotteries; because of their un-
questioned honesty, it was believed this choice would inspire public
confidence. A few years later the lotteries were abandoned, not on
account of any chicanery in their management but because of the
disapproval of the federal government of such legalized games of
chance.

When I was twelve my mother died and I was sent to a boarding
school in Oakland, Two years later I attended the preparatory de-
partment of the University of California. While I was in what was
known as the fifth class of the university, in 1870-71, I formed a
close friendship with a classmate, Josiah Royce, who became one of
America's leading philosophers and the author of one of the best
histories of early days in California,

In spite of these excellent opportunities for academic education, a
valuable part of my early training was my friendship and association
with my uncle, Colonel Jack Hays. Almost every Friday afternoon
I walked out to his ranch, about three miles from Oakland, and back
again on Monday morning.

Were an account of the Indian fights, skirmishes,
and adventures of Colonel Hays to be given to the world,

says a quaint history of the Texas Rangers published in 1847,

it would fill a volume, and the work would be looked
upon rather as the effusion of a fertile imagination, con-
sisting of legendary tales, and the adventures of some
fictitious knight-errant, than the faithful account of the
achievements of a man, living and moving among us,
and that, too, comparatively unknown.

24 Tne Autobiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

The stories Uncle Jack told us were better than a whole library of
books of adventure. Shortly after he left his uncle's home in Missis-
sippi, he turned up at San Antonio where he found work in survey-
ing frontier lands.

Since his ability to lead men was soon recognized, he was chosen
to captain several independent forays against the Indian tribes who
roamed the border. So great was his success in fighting the savages
that eventually the Texas Congress appointed him captain of a scout
company, and in 1840 promoted him to the rank of major, charging
him with the defense of the frontier. Soon afterwards he was ad-
vanced to the rank of colonel.

In 1844 he was the hero of an historic frontier exploit. He be-
came separated from his party of Rangers while tracking an Indian
tribe which had gone on the warpath. He climbed to the top of a
large rock to survey the surrounding country. The entire party of
Indians had apparently seen him as he climbed. They were follow-
ing him.

Ordinarily in those days, the Rangers were armed with muzzle-
loading, double-barreled pistols. But by some freak of fortune he had
with him a Colt six-shooter, incidentally the first gun of this kind
ever manufactured. This revolver had been designed for his use
and presented to him by its maker. As the braves attacked him at
the summit of the rock, he shot them down, one by one, rapidly
and with calm precision. The Indians fell back in utter confusion,
leaving a half dozen dead warriors behind them* The speed and ac-
curacy of Colonel Jack's firing completely bewildered them- They
charged again and once more a spatter of bullets checked them. He
was able to hold them at bay for several hours until the other
Rangers came to his assistance.

The Indians, dismayed by this new and unfamiliar weapon, were
so firmly convinced that some supernatural power had been at work
that they named the colonel's place of refuge The Enchanted Rock.

At the outbreak of the Mexican War, Colonel Hays formed a
regiment of his old Texan fighters and they, on many fields of
battle, rendered conspicuous service to General Taylor's army.

Uncle Jack sometimes took two or three of us boys and some of
his own friends on a camping trip lasting several weeks* During the

A Boy on tne Frontier 25

day he taught us the rudiments of camping; around the fire at night
we listened eagerly to his stories. Since he was a singularly modest
man, it was only with great difficulty that we could induce him to
recount the exciting exploits of his own life. But he knew that his
friends would tell the stories should he persistently refuse.

One incident made a particularly deep impression on me, A Mexi-
can colonel of cavalry who had a large reputation for his truculence
had challenged Colonel Hays to single combat before their regiments
clashed in battle. Colonel Hays accepted without hesitation and
they engaged in a duel on horseback. As my uncle described the
scene, I could hear the occasional stamp or whinny of a nervous horse
and see the men of both regiments, silent but watchful, drawn up in
battle array on each side of the cleared space.

Colonel Jack always assured us that he really regretted having
been obliged to kill the Mexican colonel, as he had greatly admired
his enemy's bravery. The regimental battle followed the course of
the duel, the Americans emerging victorious.

I remember the excitement I felt whenever Uncle Jack would let
me run my fingers gingerly over the sharp edge of the sword he had
obtained in the defeat of the Mexican colonel or even hold the
weapon on my knees.

Later in the war, Colonel Hays won a national reputation by
storming Independence Hill and the Bishop's Palace at Monterey;
while on the march to Mexico City his military skill and brilliance
were demonstrated once more.

On the conclusion of the war Uncle Jack went to San Francisco
where he served as sheriff- When Franklin Pierce was elected presi-
dent in 1853, my father and Colonel Jack, neither of them then aware
that they were to 'be brothers-in-law, went to Washington for the
inauguration of the Mexican War general. It was said that the
handsome figure and the fame of young Jack Hays drew about him
such a crowd at the official reception that there was danger of his
"stealing the show." The two Californians were cordially received
and each was rewarded with office: Colonel Hays was made surveyor
general of California; my father, collector of the port of San Fran-
cisco.

26 Tne Aiitobiograplry of Jolin Hays Hammond

The latter appointment was made on personal as well as political
grounds. My father was held in high regard; the many honors
which came to him were unsought. Nevertheless, the President felt
himself peculiarly indebted to him. When Pierce, as a young .officer
in the Mexican War, came under fire for the first time, he was
seized with that fear to which the bravest men have often confessed.
My father, who had broader vision and sounder balance than any
other man with whom I have ever come in contact, talked to him,
joked with him, and restored his confidence* This good service the
President never forgot.

When Colonel Jack gave up his position as surveyor general, he
retired to the ranch he had bought near Oakland.

My father also owned several acres there, which he one day ex-
changed for an old bobtailed white horse. As Oakland grew and
prospered and the land increased in value, I tried to figure out the
price he would have received from the sale of this land. Compared
with the value of the old bobtailed horse, it was unbelievable that it
could have mounted to such a sum. Since that time I've never re-
garded a bobtailed horse with any great degree of affection.

Uncle Jack was not allowed to remain quiet on his ranch. Within
a few years the people of Nevada asked him to come to their relief
against the Piute Indians who were plundering and murdering* The
soldiers of the regular army were unfamiliar with Indian warfare
and consequently not trained to deal with the Piutes. Colonel Hays
was made commander in chief. Using the strategy he had learned
from the Indians themselves, he succeeded in ambushing and ex-
terminating the Piute warriors.

In gratitude for his services, the people of Nevada presented him
with a handsome silver service, and at the same time sent to my aunt
a beautiful black horse named Piute, which I often rode at the ranch.

During my boyhood, every country place was called a ranch, but
my uncle's was really a ranch de luxe. Although in extent not
comparable with some of the enormous ranches of the day, it held
cattle and, of course, many horses. With its alternating hills and
wild ravines, it was an ideal place for a boy with an adventurous
spirit I suppose my lifelong desire for exploration and discovering
was transmitted to me from my pioneer ancestry and was fostered

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A Boy on tke Frontier 27

by those days spent in the woods with only my young brothers and
cousins as companions.

I roamed over the hills of that section until I had learned every
foot of them. In fact, I knew them so thoroughly that, when I was
fifteen, I was able to guide my father, then a regent of the University
of California, and a committee looking for a new site for the uni-
versity foundation over the slopes of what is now Berkeley. The
university was moved there in 1875.

Interesting people came constantly to my uncle's ranch. Outstand-
ing among them was Captain John C. Freaner, who had served in
Texas under Colonel Hays. He and Uncle Jack taught my brothers
and myself, as boys of five or six, to ride and later to shoot and
generally to take care of ourselves in what was still a frontier country.

Bravery was one thing Captain Freaner insisted upon, and in-
geniously devised various tests which he never would permit us to
flunk. For example, he would leave his pipe, hat, or some similar
object in a graveyard located a mile or so down a lonely canyon. Then
he would send us boys out into the night each in turn and quite alone,
to retrieve the article he had purposely abandoned there. It took
all our physical courage to accomplish this feat.

Explorers' blood was so strong in my brothers and myself that
there was always a rivalry as to which of us had been in the greatest
number of counties in California. After our summer vacation, we
would compare notes as to our relative standing in this competition.
The entrance into each new county provided us with a thrill as great
as that which must have come to Balboa, the famous stowaway from
Spain, when from the heights of Darien he first saw the great Pacific.
Our common ambition to visit the entire fifty counties then in-
cluded in California was not realized by any of us during our younger
days. Even when we went east to school we were still immature
enough to keep tabs on the different states through which we passed
on our trips to college and back. My brothers used to accuse me of
taking circuitous routes in order to add an additional state or two
to my record. Very likely this was true, and time has not weakened
my wanderlust. I have been many times in every state in the Union,
and in nearly every section of every state.

28 The Autobiograpliy of Jolin Hays Hammond

A large part of my vacation was customarily spent at the Fairfax
ranch in Marin County, California. There, when I was eleven or
twelve, I learned to lead the life of a typical young cowboy, which
naturally included herding cattle and busting broncos.

Charles Snowden Fairfax, my father's friend and later mine, was
the lineal descendant of the famous Virginia earl whose offspring
can claim the unique distinction of holding the only "American
peerage" ever recognized by this government. Preferring to be
known as a plain American citizen, "Uncle Charley" had waived the
right of his title. I was greatly influenced by him and he was one
of my first heroes. It was on a trip with him that I killed my first
deer.

Possessed of the same type of adventuresome spirit as Colonel
Hays, the baron as he was commonly called had been captain of
a company serving under my uncle in the Piute War. His patrician
origin was displayed not only in his handsome and athletic appear-
ance, but in his nobility of character.

On one occasion Fairfax was stabbed in the back by a man who
bore him a grudge. As he fell to the ground, onlookers thought he
was mortally wounded. Nevertheless, he raised himself painfully on
his elbow, drew his pistol, pointed it at his assailant, and said, "I
curse you for your cowardly attack, but I spare your life for the sake
of your wife and children!" Thereupon he fired the pistol into the
air.

Fairfax lived some years longer, although without doubt the
wounds received at this time hastened his death.

California youngsters of those days took to horse and gun almost
instinctively. Shooting was my favorite sport, while riding was only
a method of locomotion. Our chief diversion during the summer
vacations was to make up an exploring party. Three or four of us
would load a horse with grub, blankets, and guns, then hike out to
the hills twelve or fifteen miles away and camp there for days at a
time. We would kill quail and sometimes even a deer, and fish the
brooks for trout.

These pursuits led us far and wide, and I thus learned to rough it
with fair success before I was fifteen years old. It was fortunate for
me that I acquired early in life the art of taking care of myself, be-

A Boy on tte Frontier 29

cause iii later years the practice of my profession involved much
hardship in various parts of the world where the novice was, to say
the least, out of place. I suppose I never was a tenderfoot

It must have been in 1870 that I made the long trip of five days
and nights by stagecoach from San Francisco to Los Angeles to visit
my schoolmate, Billy Fitzhugh. The stage, suspended on leather
straps and drawn by the traditional six horses, traveled continuously
day and night. The coach was so heavy that the horses had to be
changed every ten or fifteen miles.

Los Angeles was then a village of about five thousand inhabitants,
largely Mexican, and the county itself had a population of only fif-
teen thousand.

Billy Fitzhugh, two other boys, and I hired a pack horse and went
camping on the old Wilson ranch, a Spanish grant on part of which
Pasadena now stands. The only sign of civilization along the route
was the San Gabriel Mission.

One morning I rose early and set out alone to try to find some
quail for lunch. The hunting ground was a small canyon, just about
where the Pony Express Museum now stands. I had not gone far
into the gulch before I chanced upon a bear. Thoroughly startled, I
raced back to camp shouting, "Bear! Bear! Bear!" and the four of
us immediately sought safety in the nearest trees. We never dis-
covered in which tree the bear found refuge.

The best trip of my boyhood came when I was fifteen and my
young brother Bill was thirteen. Our father had gone east on busi-
ness, leaving us in the care of an aunt. With school just out, forty
dollars in our pockets, and the whole summer before us, we felt truly
that the world was ours.

First we went to visit General David Douglass at his ranch in San
Joaquin County, where we had often been before. Since neither of
us had ever seen the Calaveras grove of big trees, which was about
forty miles away, we decided one day to have a look at it,

My brother Bill owned a fast roan mustang with one white eye,
named Kitty. He made sure of being her sole user by teaching her
to buck all strangers who might attempt to ride her. I had no horse
of my own and had to borrow one for the week's trip. Near the
Douglass ranch lived the Washington Trains, friends of our family,

30 Tke A-Utomograpliy of Jonn Hays Hammond

and from them I borrowed Silver, the old horse on which the Train
children had learned to ride. Silver was an unfortunate choice; he
was not only stupid and nearsighted, but he was subject to splints
and the periodic necessity for repairs delayed us considerably.

When I went to catch and saddle him one morning there was Kitty
grazing peacefully, but no Silver was to be seen. I might have thought
he had been stolen except that I knew no one could possibly want
such a horse. First I called and then I hunted and finally I located
him. He had started across the field towards a beckoning haystack
and walked straight into a muddy ravine about fifteen feet deep.
There he was at the bottom unhurt, but a sorry sight. It took the
better part of the morning to hoist Silver out with ropes and get him
rehabilitated. Then Bill whirled away down the trail, shouting tact-
lessly over his shoulder, "Old plug!"

All my heel thumpings and my exhortations of "Get up, Silver!"
were of little avail. I was not riding a horse like Piute. I gripped
the double-barreled shotgun (from which my father had made me
remove one lock) in such a furious temper that in later years Bill
used to say he believed I would certainly have peppered him if I could
have caught up with him. But he and Kitty took care of that. By
evening my temper had cooled enough for us to make camp together
peaceably. A ride of fifty miles in one day may have accounted for
my diminished rage; but I have never liked a white-eye since*

Occasionally we slept under the skies or in abandoned prospec-
tors' shanties; more often miners, hotelkeepers, or livery stable men
gave us shelter. The fame o our wanderings had preceded us and,
at every stop, a hearty welcome awaited us. Everyone was friendly
and helpful and glad to show these two youngsters what free-handed
western hospitality was like. Though we offered to pay our way,
our forty dollars remained practically intact; seldom was money ac-
cepted for lodging or food*

Our trip, which we had expected would last the usual five or six
days, kept lengthening as we were lured on and on by the prospect
of new adventures. At a leisurely pace, stopping here for a day and
there for a day when we discovered something that interested us, or
when Silver needed to be repaired, we rode through the Sierra
Nevadas and the district now known as the Bret Hartc country*

A Boy on tke Frontier 31

I came to know Bret Harte a little later when he was secretary to
General K F. Beale. In spite of his apparently intimate knowledge
of conditions in the mining camps, Harte had in reality but little
firsthand knowledge of the scenes of his stories. Yet he was able to
construct a character almost from the inflection of a voice or make
up a tale from the barest hint of a plot.

Leaving the mining camps behind, and jogging along through
the wild mountains, we finally penetrated into the yet trackless Yo-
semite Valley and were, so far as we could tell, the only visitors there
in 1870. Now the Yosemite is visited yearly by more people than the
half million who were then living on the Pacific coast. Our food
supply was derived mainly from the game we were able to shoot,
and from the fish we caught without flies, in the Indian fashion.

Fortunately for me we were not quite alone when we moved on
to the Mariposa grove of big trees. There I met with misfortune. I
fell into the mill race at Clark's sawmill, and, although I could swim,
the water was running too fast for a boy's strength. While rapidly
being carried into eternity, I was fished out by some of the men work-
ing the mill.

Old Galen Clark, its owner, had been the discoverer of the Mari-
posa Grove. When I visited the Yosemite with President Taft in
1909, 1 found Clark still living in the valley. He was ninety or over
and still sound enough of mind to remember my narrow escape from
drowning.

Our expedition carried us even into Nevada. The summer was
now nearly over, and we had traveled about seven hundred miles.
Our father had returned from the East and discovered that we were
missing. After weeks had passed without word from us, he became
alarmed and notified Wells, Fargo Express Company messengers to
be on the alert. We were making a leisurely return trip, quite un-
conscious of our family's distress. In fact, by that time we had entirely
forgotten we had borrowed Silver for a week and had been gone
nearly all summer. Word that our father was scouring the country
finally reached us and we streaked for home as fast as our horses
could carry us.

The expedition was invaluable to us both. We had been taught
by actual experience how to forage for food in wild places, how to

32 Tke Autobiography of Jokn Hays Hammond

take care of the horses upon whom our safety depended, and most
important, how to meet on friendly terms all sorts and conditions
of men.

It also gave me my first intimate knowledge of how a real gold mine
was operated. So fascinated was I by my first descent into this mine,
called Kite's Cove, that I persuaded the owner to allow me to spend
several days there, during which time I went down frequently. Hits
was said to have married an Indian squaw out of gratitude, because
she had rescued him when he had been overtaken by a heavy snow-
storm. She was also reported to have shown him the outcroppings
of the vein he subsequently developed with so much profit.

Prior to this experience my mining education, though begun at an
early age, had been rudimentary. When I was eleven years old, I
had gone to pay one of my first visits to General Douglass. Adjoin-
ing the general's ranch were gold-placer washings, which a group
of Chinese were patiently working over. Because of racial dis-
crimination, the industrious and peaceable Chinaman was not allowed
to work virgin gravels; he was limited to reworking the ground
already gone over by the masterful white man. While there was no
written law, the custom of the camps was sufficient to define his
rights. The Chinese miner toiled away unobtrusively in the corners
allotted him, but often, through dogged persistence, he made what
was to him a modest fortune.

I watched these Chinese working along the streams tributary to
the San Joaquin River, and, of course, I could not rest until I had
duly inspected the washings and had tried my hand at a little panning.
I had not been at it long before my excited gaze encountered some
gold dust in the bottom of the pan, and I vociferously acclaimed my
great discovery with all the enthusiasm of James Marshall himself.
The picture of that eventful moment was later evoked for me by the
imagination of the New York Globe cartoonist, Camillus Kessler, in
his book, At the Bottom of the Ladder. It may not be a faithful por-
trait, but I am sure the air of jubilation is by no means overdrawn.

Thus it was that I became a "miner." As I washed the gravel,
sometimes finding as much as fifty cents' worth of gold, dreams of
fortune filled my head. I imagined myself a real miner, hiring
hordes of Chinese to work for me, I was caught by the lure o gold.

CHAPTER THREE

In Pursuit of an Education

OFF TO THE EAST I MEET MY FIRST PRESIDENT
EXPELLED ON THE FIRST DAY OF SCHOOL ARTHUR
TWINING HADLEY FILLMORE'S PRIVATE TRAIN
"SHEFF" A "QUIET" CELEBRATION WALKER'S
INFLUENCE EAST ROCK INSCRIPTION THE PRO-
FESSOR AND THE WAITER THE OLD COLLEGE AND
THE NEW THE CLOISTER OUR BOXING MATCH
TOWN AND GOWN AN OLD-TIME WEEK-END
CHINESE PROM GIRLS YALE ROWING IN THE
SEVENTIES HIGH-PRESSURE BOTANY COFFEE
JACOBS AND WOOLF JOEL THE YALE SPIRIT

I was sixteen my father
decided that I should go east
to school. He thought, and justly so, that I was growing altogether
too provincial. Although at the time I was reluctant to leave the
West, I can now see the wisdom of his decision and have become a
firm believer in the advisability of sending Westerners to eastern
colleges, and vice versa.

During the summer of 1871 1 was packed off in charge of an uncle,
Colonel Sprague. In was an exciting day for me when I boarded a
train on the new transcontinental railway line which had been com-
pleted only two years before. We traveled slowly, so slowly, indeed,
that it was not a difficult stunt for an agile boy to jump off near the
head of the train and catch on to the platform of the rear car. Few

33

34 Xne Autobiography of Jolin Hays Hammond

modern improvements had as yet been introduced on the railroads.
Old-fashioned hand brakes were still in use, while the wood-burning
locomotives had huge cone-shaped smokestacks.

I was delighted by the fact that the conductor of our train had
been scalped by Indians. It was not, of course, the "massacre" scalp-
ing which would have taken off the entire scalp; it was merely the
removal from the head of the small round piece of epidermis, which
signified victory in open warfare.

Traveling across the continent was an interesting and an involved
process. The trip to Washington took seven days. We changed
trains at Ogden and again at Omaha. From there we crossed the
Missouri River on a ferry to Council Bluffs, where the next train
connection was made. We changed once more at Chicago. As we
crossed the plains we could see in the distance an occasional herd of
buffalo, while large herds of antelope galloped alongside the train
for miles. Three times a day we stopped for meals. Since the train
was often late, the passengers had worked up a fine appetite by the
time an eating-station was reached. Frequently, just as we were well
into our meal and eating as fast as possible, by some unaccountable
arrangement the whistle would blow, the conductor would stick his
head in at the station dining room door long enough to shout "All
aboard!" and everyone would rush from the tables. I usually scram-
bled on to the train with a scalded throat but still clutching a piece
of bread from which I resolutely refused to be separated,

I shall never forget the thrill I experienced soon after our arrival
at Washington. My uncle took me to the White House and intro-
duced me to President Grant. A Cabinet meeting had just been con-
cluded and the members had not yet left. When I was presented
to the President he turned to his brother-in-law, General Frederick
Dent, and asked him if he did not recall my father from West Point
days. General Dent replied that he remembered him only too well,
because of a certain escapade in which both had been involved and
which had very nearly caused their expulsion. The President then
said to his Cabinet: "Gentlemen, if this young man's father had gone
north instead of west, he would probably have the position I hold
today."

In Pursuit of an Education 35

In early October I was enrolled in the Hopkins Grammar School
at New Haven to prepare for Yale. The very first day, during the
morning recess, I was accosted by some eastern boys who, in typical
schoolboy fashion, began to badger me about my part of the world.
Although I looked and dressed as they did, something indefinable
in my manner or speech made them feel that I was "different," since
any deviation from the norm is always a challenge to the young. A
boy named Jackson asked me whether I had seen the big trees of
California; he had heard about them and demanded to know how
large they were. I had visited the big trees many times since that
first memorable trip with my brother Billy and had even measured
some of them myself. I told him their exact dimensions. Since he
had never seen a tree larger than an elm, he called me a liar. Like
any true Calif ornian, I promptly showed my resentment by thrashing
him. Immediately after this, and before we had time to dust our-
selves off, class was reassembled. I, the newcomer, was promptly
reprimanded by the headmaster and expelled.

It is not difficult to imagine my humiliation. I walked the old
Green for hours, not knowing what to do and afraid to write home
of my disgrace. Finally, I decided to see Professor William P. Trow^
bridge, an old army friend of my father's who at this time was on
the Yale faculty. After listening attentively and in silence to my
story, he asked me whether I was positive I had done nothing to Jack-
son before he called me a liar. I assured him I was guiltless on that
count. Professor Trowbridge then asked, "What would your father
have done if you had not fought young Jackson because of the
insult?"

"He wouldn't have liked it," I replied ingenuously.

Greatly to my relief, Professor Trowbridge not only agreed with
me that I could not have acted differently but even went with me to
the principal of the school, "Buck" Johnson, to whom he explained
the situation, I was reinstated, but from then on the mere words,
**big trees," could always be invoked as a casus belli. Nevertheless,
I managed to keep my enthusiasm for my native state under such
restraint that it never again got me into serious trouble at school.

Several of my college friends prepared at the old Hopkins Grammar
School and one of the closest of them was Arthur Twining Hadley,

36 JLne Autotiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

later president of Yale. After graduating from Yale, we saw much
of each other in Germany while he was studying at Berlin and I at
Freiberg. Although often separated by thousands of miles, our friend-
ship remained unbroken until his death in 1930.

Hadley was a man of extraordinary intellectual attainments and
great versatility of mind. No one who knew him could forget his
ready wit and his phenomenal stock of stories, gay and serious.

His memory was prodigious. He could quote pages verbatim
from innumerable books. Facts of all sorts could be drawn at will
from the storehouse of his mind. He knew, it seemed, every Yale
graduate, and his ability to place a man, and remember his name
and some especial characteristic or undergraduate attainment, added
greatly to his popularity. Occasionally this memory proved embar-
rassing for others. Once, glancing over the pages of the Yale Literary
Magazine, he saw an article on China. He went to his library, pulled
down a book and demonstrated that much of the article was plagia-
rized. It was practically impossible to trick him in an argument.
The wide knowledge he could bring to bear on any point made the
less skillful man hesitant to enter into a debate.

Yet he was intellectually generous and always ready to listen to the
other man's opinions. Unlike many minds capable of absorbing
unlimited numbers of facts, he had the ability to relate and use them,
he was imaginative as well as objective. Although he was one of
our foremost economists, a director of railroads, and consulted by
the great business men of the country, he was appreciative of litera-
ture and to the day of his death could read Latin and Greek as well
as he could read English.

In spite of his memory, he was absent-minded; while he could
recognize a man he had not seen for years, he was capable of passing
his own wife on the street without recognizing her if he was deeply
gripped in thought. In appearance he was quixotic and aware of
the fact. His gestures were awkward, his body nervous. His voice
was hesitant, strange, and often came to the ear as though from some
throaty struggle. Yet once the listener had succumbed to the charm
of the man, this was forgotten and, in spite of every handicap on the
platform, generations of Yale graduates will testify that he was one
of the greatest orators they have ever heard.

In Pursuit of an Education 37

The Hadley home was always filled with undergraduates, mingling
freely with great visitors from all over the world. Their Sunday
midday dinners were famous and I have often sat at table there with
bishops, politicians, undergraduates, athletes, ambitious young
writers, and scholars. To these Mrs. Hadley added her amazing
genius as a hostess. Adept at drawing her husband out and quite
capable of silencing him if she thought he was running away with
the party, she balanced the conversation and kept every guest a part
of the scene. The closeness of President Hadley's contacts with
undergraduates has perhaps not been generally realized. He often
joined them in long walks over the Connecticut countryside, and
where a mind or a personality interested him, he would talk hour on
hour, stimulating, advising, always the friend and rarely the pre-
ceptor.

One incident that occurred in California, in 1901, illustrates Had-
ley's ability to make friends. I was spending the winter at Del
Monte with my family and the Hadleys came to visit us for a few
days before going to Los Angeles. I wanted them to stay a day
longer than originally planned. Hadley said this would be impos-
sible because he had to be in Los Angeles on a certain date to make
connections with the train going east. I suggested his going over
the coast road of the Southern Pacific, which, although completed
from Del Monte south, was not yet open for traffic. He replied
that he had already tried to make such an arrangement but without
success.

J. A. Fillmore, the general manager of the railroad, was then in
Monterey on his way south. I got in touch with him at once and
asked whether he could take the Hadleys along on his private train.
He promptly excused himself on the ground that, as he had already
turned down so many applications, it would be impossible for him
to make an exception in this case. Suspecting that what was really
frightening him was the prospect of taking a college president in his
private car, I reiterated my request, stressing the friendship we had
formed when I was consulting engineer for the road in the eighties.
So insistent was I that he finally agreed to take President and Mrs*
Hadley with him.

38 Tlie Autooiograpliy of John Hays Hammond

When Fillmore returned, I asked him what sort of time he had
had with Hadley. "Fill" was a diamond in the rough, who had
worked his way up from the lowest position in the company to
that of 'general manager, and he answered in his customary force-
ful way: "He's the damned best fellow I've met for a long time.
We hit it off like that ! As a matter of fact, he told me a lot of things
about railroading I didn't know/' This was indeed great praise
for a practical railroad man to give one whose experience had been
largely academic, even though he was the author of the best known
text on railroads.

Every Yale man was proud of Hadley, and fond of repeating,
among countless stories about him, his characterization of the Har-
vard man. Hadley had been one of the guests at a banquet of
Harvard alumni when President Eliot wound up his speech by say-
ing, "You can always tell a Harvard man."

Hadley said in his response: "I agree with Dr. Eliot perfectly.
You can always tell a Harvard man, but you can't tell him much."

By autumn, 1873, I was ready for college, and entered Sheffield
Scientific School of Yale University, known familiarly to all con-
nected with it as "Sheff."At my father's insistence I had been given
a good foundation in Latin and Greek, which would have qualified
me to enter the academic class had I so desired. I was, indeed, as
much interested in general and cultural subjects as in science.
Geology, astronomy, botany, chemistry, physics, history, political
economy, English, French, German, and, strangely enough, com-
parative philology were the main subjects in the Select Course in
which I enrolled.

Mathematics was not stressed then as it is now. Even at Freiberg
my stock of information on it was increased but little. That I should
neglect a subject now considered such an integral part of engineer-
ing training may seem surprising, but my opinion has always been
that too much emphasis is laid on higher mathematics for mining
engineers.

Years later when I was serving on the staff at Sheffield as professor
of mining professor, indeed, for about twenty-four hours I made
this clear in my first talk to the students* I said: "Don't be dis-

In Pursuit of an Education 39

couraged because you cannot pass your examination in mathematics.
That is not so important in mining engineering, but it is important
in other kinds of engineering."

Later in faculty meeting I had an argument over the mining curric-
ulum with some of the leading professors. They were especially
desirous of maintaining a high standard of mathematics in that
department. From long practical experience I was convinced that
certain other subjects were much more important to the mining
engineer than higher mathematics, though I realized that for
mechanical, electrical, and civil engineering such knowledge was
indispensable. After a long discussion on this subject, Professor
Augustus Dubois, an old friend and member of my Yale society,
addressed me as Professor Hammond* "That is all right, to call me
professor at a meeting like this," I said, "But as soon as I leave the
meeting I am no longer professor."
"Why ?" asked another faculty member.

"Because a professor in mining is looked on with high contempt
and suspicion by the practical engineers of the country."

Professor Dubois, a great mathematician and an authority on
mechanical engineering, asked me, as consulting engineer of the
famous Camp Bird mine, what I would do in case the hoisting works
should burn down. Would I not require a knowledge of mathe-
matics to determine the tensile strength of materials? Otherwise
how could I have the hoisting works rebuilt?

I answered promptly: "I'll tell you what I'd do under those cir-
cumstances, I'd call up one of the big manufacturers of mining
machinery in Denver, and say, "Our headgear has burned down;
am sending you the blueprints of the headgear and wish you'd let
me know by phone how long it will take you to erect another, and
what the cost will be.' " I then went on: "The consulting engineer
of a mining property has experts whose duty it is to work out such
problems for him, while he devotes his time to the development of
ore reserves, the metallurgical treatment of ores, or the administra-
tion of the company's business."

I then addressed the chair, demanding, "President Hadley, what
is your opinion of the importance of mathematics in the education
of a mining engineer ?"

40 The Autobiography of Jokn Hays Hammond

He replied: "I am not an engineer and cannot give any firsthand
opinion, but I recall a conversation I had some years ago with one
of the great railroad executives of the country. I asked him which
made the better railroad man, one who was proficient in mathe-
matics or one who was well equipped in the Greek language. Much
to my surprise he answered, The one who is well equipped in Greek,
because he forgets the Greek sooner.' "

Although my views did not prevail with .the Sheffield faculty, I
had better luck later at Harvard. When I was chairman of the Board
of Visitors for the Harvard Scientific School, this same question of
mathematics came up and I was backed up in my opinion by other
members of the Board, which included such noted mining engineers
as B. B. Thayer, Rudolph Agassiz, Hennen Jennings, and Charles
Perrin.

In my own undergraduate days, the academic life was concen-
trated, the faculty was limited but the professors were widely recog-
nized authorities in their particular subjects. Many of them had
received offers to go to other colleges, but they preferred to remain
at Yale. Our classes were not large, and we became intimately
acquainted with our teachers. Not a few of them called us by our
first names, even occasionally letting a "Tom" or a "Jack" slip out
in the classroom. We were guests in their homes we knew their
wives. Their daughters were our friends.

Some of these professors were great scholars, but forbidding, like
Lounsbury; some were unorthodox, like Brewer. But as I recall
them, they most of them seem to have had force and individ-
uality and to have been able to win our attention and admiration
in one way or another and to inspire interest in their subjects which
continued long after graduation.

Noah Porter was president of Yale at the time. He served in that
office from 1871 to 1886. I had great admiration and, in common
with other students, a real affection for him: this, in spite of a most
unfortunate experience.

During one winter vacation some of us whose homes were far
away remained at New Haven. One evening there was a "quiet"
celebration in my room in Divinity Hall. This was a new build-
ing and students of Sheff were eager to room there- On this partic-

In Pursuit of an Education 41

ular night several of us had been indulging, perhaps not wisely but
too well, in a concoction at that time popularly known as "Tom and
Jerry." Perhaps it still is. We realized that we were in Divinity
Hall and in deference to such a saintly atmosphere restrained our
normal desire to "roughhouse."

The janitor evidently was acutely aware of the dignity of the
building and determined to preserve it. We found him listening at
the keyhole, and thought it better for him to get a close view of the
proceedings. I was commissioned to climb over the transom and
to drop down on him and take him unawares. This I did.

The door was then opened by my friends and the janitor was
taken into the room and subjected to what he characterized as "con-
siderable indignity." He immediately reported the matter to Presi-
dent Porter, who dismissed us from the building. It was a serious
matter with us as we had gone to great expense to establish ourselves
comfortably for what we thought would be two years' occupation.

However, the kindly president did not expel us from college as he
undoubtedly would have been justified in doing, and I have always
felt grateful to him for his forbearance.

The teacher who influenced me most at Yale was Francis A.
Walker. He had been a general in the Civil War on the northern
side. He was professor of political economy and history. His
poise, breadth of view, and even his temperament made him an ideal
for me. He developed my interest in broad questions of public
policy. I worked hard in his courses and I have never lost this
interest.

On the question of the war, he was invariably fair to both sides,
preferring to treat the subject from the constitutional rather than the
political angle. He was equally impartial on the tariff question as it
stood in the seventies. It was, however, his masterly presentation
and analysis of the effects of various economic policies that made me
a supporter of a protective tariff. In the opinion of H. H. Powers,
a recent writer, Francis Walker was the first to point out that the
United States, with internal free trade and the protective boundary
of a tariff, was an example of what Adam Smith meant by free trade.
Although geology was one of my subjects at Yale, chance first
opened to my mind its fascinating possibilities. On one of my vaca-

42 Tne Autobiography of Jonn Hays Hammond

tion trips home, a locomotive accident in Wyoming caused a delay
of several hours. It so happened that Professor Joseph Leidy,
geologist and paleontologist of the University of Pennsylvania, was
on the train. He asked whether I would like to accompany him to
a geological deposit of great interest near the point at which the train
had stopped. Naturally, I accepted eagerly. He explained to me
how the ages of geological formations are determined by the presence
of certain fossils, and during the last two days of our journey con-
tinued his instructions in so stirring a fashion that geology became
one of my favorite studies,

Also I became well acquainted with Professor James Dwight
Dana, then the world's leading geologist and mineralogist. In my
junior year, when John Tyndall, the English physicist, was his guest,
Professor Dana made up a party to visit East Rock, a Gibraltar-like
formation of trap rock near New Haven. Professor Tyndall, who
prided himself on his renown as an Alpinist, attempted to climb the
face of the rock, which rises precipitously two hundred feet from its
base. After failing to accomplish the impossible ascent, he inquired
how the inscription YALE '76, painted in letters so large as to be
visible for a mile or more, could have been placed there.

I had been partially responsible for the inscription, so I explained
to Professor Tyndall that a party of us had drawn lots to see who
should be lowered by a rope from the top of the cliff to do the letter-
ing, and the honor had fallen to me. After I had painted assiduously
for an hour, one of the fellows went down to inspect progress- He
reported that the painting was so bad he could not make out whether
the letters spelled HELL or YALE, whereupon it was unanimously
voted that I should be recalled. I made an ineffectual but not sincere
protest. My successor apparently had more artistic ability, for he
was allowed to finish, and the letters remained there for many years
as a challenge to other classes. In his lecture that evening, Tyndall
referred to the East Rock episode and turned it into a graceful com-
pliment to Yale by saying that, in his effort to reach the heights,
Yale was ever before him beckoning him on*

My last meeting with Professor Dana occurred in 1883 when he
was visiting California. As I was particularly anxious to discuss with

In Pursuit of an Education 43

him certain geological questions connected with the genesis of ore de-
posits, I boarded the train some hours before it reached San Francisco
and continued the journey with him. I would have considered his
opinion ex cathedra but, like all great men, Professor Dana was
extremely modest and told me that in an expression of opinion on
that subject he would defer to me who had specialized in its study.
He talked most interestingly of his first passage through the Sacra-
mento Valley in 1841 on his way to join the Wilkes Expedition at
the Pacific Ocean. Even at that early date, seven years before Mar-
shall's discovery, Dana was on record as having expressed his belief
in the existence of gold deposits in that part of California.

Thomas R. Lounsbury was another of the great teachers of his
time. His profound scholarship, combined with keen literary appre-
ciation, made him unusually successful in introducing generations of
students to the varied excellencies of English and American litera-
ture. My deep and abiding love of Shakespeare is entirely due to
him although I never stood in his good graces. "Tommy" was not
a supporter of college athletics. All students who, like myself, had
athletic ambitions were put into one section of the room^ and were
invariably treated as mentally inferior. Doubly handicapped by
being an athlete and also slightly deaf, I fared badly.

I also fell under Lounsbury's displeasure for insisting on graduating
with my class, in spite of having lost ten weeks through an injury
received in the gymnasium. I managed to pass my examination with
credit, but had no compliments from Tommy Lounsbury. I well
remember his meeting James L. Houghteling and me the day after
graduation. Addressing Jim, he said warmly, "Mr. Houghteling,
I wish you every success in life; I predict great things for you."
Then turning to me, he uttered gruffly: "Good day, Mr. Hammond."
I never quite forgave him for the slight, although in later years he
was cordial enough.

William Dwight Whitney was professor of German. He was
brother of Josiah D. Whitney, Harvard professor of geology. Whit-
ney certainly qualified for his position: he had won a competitive
examination test for the best grammar published in German, and
this grammar had been adopted and used by the schools of Berlin,

44 Tke Autobiography of Jonn Hays Hammond

Professor Whitney also gave us courses in comparative philology,
in which subject he ranked among the greatest authorities of his
time. His controversy with Professor Max Miiller, of Oxford, as
to the origin of speech created wide comment among those inter-
ested in the subject.

Later, when I was a student in Germany, I met Professor Whitney
in Dresden and enjoyed showing him the sights of that pleasant
city, and particularly the art collections* One day we dropped in
at a bierkeller for luncheon and Professor Whitney took the menu
and studied it carefully. Now, I thought, I can safely leave the
ordering to him and shall not have to use my stumbling German on
the waiter. Much to Whitney's chagrin, however, and to my ill-
concealed amusement, the waiter blandly but firmly refused to under-
stand a word of the orders poured out to him. By employing the
sign language and a few phrases in the vernacular, I made our wants
known, and I did not lose the opportunity to impress solemnly upon
my former professor the necessity for "getting close to the people"
in order to learn their language.

All of our professors were not giants of intellect, of course, nor were
they all popular. There were the "tough" ones along with the
"easy" ones.

For example, there was a mathematics instructor named Wells.
At the end of my freshman year the class had its annual supper
at Savin Rock, on the outskirts of New Haven, a resort which still
lures the Yale undergraduate with shore dinners, and less conven-
tional pleasures. We had heard that Wells was to leave Yale, which
was a great relief as he was most difficult to satisfy and, moreover,
was unpopular personally with the class. So, when I was asked
to propose a toast at the supper, I said enthusiastically, "All's well
that ends Wells."

The unfortunate aftermath was that Mr. Wells changed his mind
and decided to remain at Yale. Naturally my standing with him
was not improved when he heard of the toast, as he inevitably did.
And there were the "soft," or "cinch," courses in those days. I
dare say there still are. Among our most pleasantly disposed friends
were John H. Niemeyer, professor of drawing, and William H.

In Pursuit of an Education 45

Brewer, whose actual title I do not remember but who struck me as
being professor of "general information."

Brewer we admired because of his really broad knowledge on
many subjects, but we were especially delighted by his funny stories.
He told the same ones year after year, and we naturally encouraged
him even though they were chestnuts. In his younger days he had
been one of two geologists to examine our western country. In fact.
Mount Brewer is named for him. He had many interesting tales
to tell about his experiences. One of his favorites was about a soldier
who had been stationed for many years at Yuma, Arizona, one of
the hottest spots on earth. The soldier died. Later a letter was re-
ceived by his friends at the post asking them to express him his
blankets to hell

Our class heard this story from Brewer for two years and when,
in our senior year, he started telling it again, it was too much for us
and we raised our fingers to indicate that this was the third time.
Brewer saw the joke, laughed, and said: "Well, my young friends,
it's a good story anyhow and this will be the last year you will hear
it, but I am going to keep it up on succeeding classes."

Professor Brewer remained a favorite for many years. Even when
he was seventy or over, he rode an old bicycle around the streets of
New Haven. Years later when I was in Denver, he stopped off at
the Denver Country Club and I gave him a big dinner. He loved
it. It gave him a chance to tell his favorite yarn once more.

I am not only the world's worst freehand drawer, I cannot even
draw. with a ruler. I was particularly grateful to the liberality of
Niemeyer who passed me in freehand drawing. The class had been
told to submit a drawing of an eye and an ear. My exhibit was the
most amazing one shown; in fact, when I took it to Niemeyer he
said, "Mr. Hammond, you have failed to indicate which is the eye
and which is the ear. Would you mind marking each one so that
I can distinguish between them?" It was fortunate for me that
he had a sense of humor.

A few years ago Rube Goldberg, who is a Californian, wrote an
article for the Saturday Evening Post in which he told how he be-
came an artist. He said that his father was averse to his studying
drawing as he did not believe in it. Goldberg said, "Father, how

46 Tke Autoliograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

would you like me to become an engineer like John Hays Ham-
mond?" His father said, "That would suit me fine." Goldberg
went to the University of California and registered in engineering,
but instead of studying engineering he studied drawing at least so
he wrote me years afterwards.

I said to him, "How did you ever think you could learn drawing
from engineering?" and told him the story of my freehand drawing
in Niemeyer's class. People have an idea that an engineer should
be a great drawer and that business men should be great mathe-
maticians, but fortunately for some of them., this is not always so.

The smaller size of the college in my time naturally influenced
its social and athletic life, as well as its academic studies. I under-
stand that with the development of the new College Plan, splitting
into smaller social groups, there is a return of some of the delightful
intimacy that we enjoyed, and since men from "Academic" and
"Sheff" are now rooming under the same roofs a greater unity is
being achieved. We knew intimately almost everyone in both schools,
including the faculties and the heads of the colleges.

In the years of contact with various schools and colleges after my
graduation from Yale, it seemed to me that this intimacy was vanish-
ing from American education. I have always thought that as much
if not more can be learned through friendly conversation with men
of intelligence than from any library in the world. President Hop-
kins, of Amherst, well defined this idea when he said, "The ideal
college consists of a log of wood with an instructor at one end and
a student at the othdr." It is encouraging to see that in many col-
leges other than Harvard and Yale where Mr. E. S. Harkness by
his gifts has made the new housing program possible the small
seminar course, often conducted in the professor's home or over a
table in the most informal manner, is bringing back this free ex-
change of ideas between the great teachers and their students. Too
much cannot be done in this direction.

Partly the problem of formality has arisen through the mush-
room growth of our colleges. Simultaneously another difficulty oc-
curs.^ Entirely too many boys go to college who never ought to be
within the gates. They have no idea of what they want. Many are

In Pursuit of an Education 47

seeking social prestige, fame in athletics, or the benefits they feel
college contacts will bring them later in business life. During my
long experience in employing graduates of various colleges, English
boys in South Africa and Americans here, I have found them often
ridiculously unable to adjust themselves to practical circumstances
and utterly unprepared to undertake what seems to me to be their
actual education. The source of this unfitness lies in the trivial, I
believe, aims they harbored in their academic careers.

I have found that students of the technical schools take their edu-
cation more seriously and are not so disposed to attend recitations
without attention. Requirements for admission and graduation in
professional schools engineering, law, medicine, and so on are
nearly always much stiff er than in other institutions and the tuition
is much more costly.

But my opinion is that even in technical schools a certain amount
of time should be given to a study of the humanities. I have never
been particularly interested in the controversies over requirements
of Latin and Greek in a curriculum and I do not think that one
should concentrate on a study of either of them. But I have never
regretted the time I devoted to these subjects. In Russia I was amused
to find that my college Greek alas! largely forgotten proved of
practical value since Greek characters are used in the Russian lan-
guage. Moreover, the ability to trace the meaning of unfamiliar
words through their Latin or Greek roots has been a decided pleasure
to me and has stimulated my interest in all kinds of reading. To
be dogmatic, the broader one lays the foundation, the higher one
can raise the monument to achievement. Broad culture not only
enables one to understand more thoroughly the miner or the Pull-
man porter, but also to enjoy the conversation of wise, witty, well-
educated people and to know better the great minds of the past
through their works.

By far the most important part of a college education is the interest
created by the professors in the various subjects. A professor or a lec-
turer recognized nationally or internationally as an authority on his
subject can command attention and effectively supplement the work
of the young instructor. I can think of no more worthy philanthropy,
no more urgent and pleasurable duty for the man of standing and

48 Trie Autobiography of J onn Hays Hammond

wide experience than to pass on his knowledge to the young. Lec-
turing in colleges is the most practical means of accomplishing this.

Today, many of the collegiate tourist lecturers have axes to grind.
All shades of opinion could be expressed if outstanding financiers,
executives, politicians, medical and other professional men were in-
vited and demanded by the colleges. This seems to me a healthy
antidote for so-called academic license a matter which college trus-
tees might well include among their responsibilities.

No one attitude should continually and unchallenged hold the
floor in any college course. A radically-minded professor might well
conduct a course in history or economics, but only so long as other
attitudes may simultaneously be expressed. Particularly in the teach-
ing of such controversial subjects as economics, the perspective in
the presentation should be as broad as possible.

Few facts are sure, and all attitudes are debatable. And con-
troversy soundly launched is the best possible means of teaching one
to think. Beyond the actual knowledge college can give a man, if
it can expose him thoroughly to many types of men and to many
casts of belief, if it can stimulate and accelerate his processes of
thought, it has been of inestimable value to him. It has given him
the equipment with which to go out into life and learn.

I had been at the Hopkins Grammar School with many of my
Yale classmates and may perhaps be allowed to boast that, with
the exception of Ned Ryerson, I had passed the highest entrance ex-
amination. I had also been on several of the athletic teams, so that
I was assured of election to a club. I heard that the Chicago fellows
had gone to Sigma Delta Chi, and as I thought it would be a fine
thing to know some Midwesterners well, I went along with them.
Later, because of the monastic character of the life at the club build-
ing where I lived during my senior year, I suggested the name by
which this fraternity is now known: "The Cloister."

It was then at 36 Elm Street, an old brownstone house with a long
flight of steps going from the sidewalk to the door. One day I hired
an old plug and started riding him up the steps, which were crowded
with the boys. They scattered in all directions. I had no difficulty
in getting the horse up the steps, but when I started to back him

In Pursuit of an Education 49

down the trouble began. I finally had to slide off him! When the
boys accused me of becoming an eastern tenderfoot, I replied that
horses were "more versatile in the West."

The various clubs ate at different restaurants, or at least had
separate dining rooms as was the case at the place on Orange Street
where we ate. This was the scene o the provocation of the fight
made famous by William Howard Taft in an article he wrote for
one of the Yale magazines.

One day when I was calling on President Roosevelt, he said, "I
don't think I should have a man like you here at the White House."
I asked "Why?" supposing he referred to my connection with the
Jameson Raid.

"Taft told me this morning about a fight which you refereed at
Yale. Of course, I take no stock in fights. What was it?"

I repeated the story to him. The fight occurred in my senior
year between James L. Houghteling and George Creighton Webb.
Webb was president of the Yale Athletic Association, of which I
was secretary; Houghteling was editor of one of the college papers.

Houghteling had officially commented unfavorably on the activi-
ties of the association. I upbraided him for this, and jokingly made
the statement that Webb had threatened to whip the entire editorial
staff, if provoked by further unfair criticisms. Houghteling said,
"That is a lie! Webb never made such a threat."

Unfortunately, one of Webb's brothers in an adjoining room over-
heard Houghteling's remark and went immediately to report it to
Creighton. Creighton then threatened to horsewhip Houghteling
publicly. Finally, Chester Dawes and Walker Elaine, who greatly
enjoyed a little diversion in the way of a fight, prevailed upon Webb
to accompany them to my room in the Cloister, where Houghteling
also roomed. I heard of the plan a few hours before the appearance
of Webb, with his two seconds. As I had been a faithful pupil of
Lett Dole, I was able to give Houghteling a few points in boxing,
but he did not seem to avail himself of these lessons when the fight
actually took place. I was induced to act as referee. Both op-
ponents were large men, but had no knowledge whatever of boxing.
After a half -hour during which no damage was done, Webb, some-

50 Tke Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

what out of breath, said, "Mr. Houghteling, I am here to give you
satisfaction."

"On the contrary, Webb/' I said, "he is here to give you satisfac-
tion; 5

Then Webb said, "We are here to fight according to Marquis of
Queensberry rules."

"No," I told him, "you are here to fight according to my rules,
and if you don't finish soon I will put you both out as I have to hurry
to a recitation, I haven't many cuts left."

In the end both had black eyes, Houghteling did not apologize,
and they had to go into hiding until they were more presentable, as
it was of supreme importance to keep the faculty from discovering
this disgraceful row.

President Roosevelt laughed and -said, "I agree with you; that is
the worst boxing I ever heard of. As a matter of fact, they should
both have been expelled for such a bad exhibition."

Houghteling became one of the leaders of the younger genera-
tion of businessmen in Chicago. As to Webb's valor there can be
no question, since he later distinguished himself as a staff officer in
the Spanish-American War. He received letters of commendation
from many generals and one in particular from General Joseph
Wheeler, who said Webb was one of the bravest men he had ever
known. During one of the battles before Santiago, Webb went
about his duties in apparent unconcern although the enemy's bullets
were flying all about him. Wheeler said this was the most courage-
ous act it had ever been his pleasure to witness.

It must not be assumed that all our time at Yale was spent in fight-
ing. Nevertheless, a recent Yale football victory over Harvard re-
minded me of how I quite accidentally started my first revolution.
The Town and Gown riots are famous at New Haven; there have
been many of them through the years. The relations between the
students and the townspeople are not always cordial, and often break
into fisticuffs around the time of the big games. In 1875, for the
first time in many years we beat Harvard at baseball in New Haven,
and we beat them with a disabled team; several of our men were not
in condition as the result of a hard game played the week before.

THE STEPS OF "THE CLOISTER" YALE 1876

Champions of 1873.

enry Meyer. wuih ^ ^^ IMer t a, Bowler, '/

/> Jcreniirih Dmj, Julian Kennedy. 7* & j t (jooL 'M

In Pursuit of an Education 51

Yale celebrated the victory by building a big bonfire on the old
campus. This was not only against the rule of the college, but also
against the law of the town. I had nothing do with the bonfire part
of it, as I had been at a dance and had gone to take the Mitchell
girls home.

On my way back to the Cloister I passed the campus. There was
a great commotion and out of curiosity I went across the street to
see what was happening. There I saw an officer "a peeler/ 5 we
called them reading the riot act to a lot of the boys.

I remembered this peeler very well; I had had a little disagree-
ment with him after our freshman dinner. I reached the campus
just in time to hear him say, "Did some one of you men call me a
liar?"

No one replied, so I stepped up to him and said: "Yes, I called you
a liar. You <w a liar."

At that he grabbed me. I hit him on the chin and he keeled over.

The policemen patrolling that section then came running and im-
mediately there was a riot. I was grabbed at each arm by a police-
man. They began pushing me through the crowd, waving their
pistols.

I said, "You damn fools, put those guns up, someone will get
shot." By the time they got me across the Green my new frock coat
was badly torn. A big crowd of students followed us, and soon the
cry "Yale! Yale!" went up. Just as we got near the New Haven
jail Durbin Home, a quiet kind of fellow, came up and asked,
"Jack, what is happening?"

I said, "These fellows have arrested me."

Home said, "I will go bail for you." This was amazing, as Durb
was close with his money.

He protested to the officers; they paid no attention, but opened
the door to the back cell of the jail and shoved Durb in with me.
He argued loudly, but it made no difference. Within an hour the
whole jail was full of Yale men. It was hard luck for them that I
had come along the campus just when I did.

Along towards midnight college professors and many of the
alumni who were in town for the game came to the jail. Some of

52 Tke AtLtomograpny of J onn Hays Hammona

them were among the best lawyers in New York. They came to
use their influence for us.

The following morning we were all haled into court and fined
$8.29. I have never known to this day just how the judge arrived at
the twenty-nine cents.

Our social life in the seventies was informal, as a rule, interesting,
and intellectually stimulating.

It was rare for students to leave New Haven during term time;
the week-end habit came with the advent of the automobile. The
atmosphere was convivial, and it is decidedly a moot question
whether at that time there was more or less drinking than there is
at present. According to my recollection, hard liquor was rarely
used, the chief indulgence being in beer and ale. Excessive drink-
ing was invariably frowned upon by college sentiment, and it was
unheard of for students under the influence of liquor to be allowed
to participate in social functions at which ladies were present.

When there were no ladies in the group we went to Moriarty's.
Moriarty and his wife were Welsh, I think, although the name
sounds Irish enough. They were both huge in size. The old gen-
tleman liked to sit around and tell us stories, while we drank beer
and ate Welsh rabbits and grilled sardines. It was a restaurant then
but, of course, has since become a club and "Mory's" is still known
for its food and ale. In our day the famous convivial "green cup,"
fortunately, had not been devised.

Most of the girls with whom we .talked and walked and danced
were the daughters of professors and of the gentler citizens of "The
Town" among them Miss Delia Lyman, the Misses Trowbridge,
Miss Sargent, and the Mitchell girls, one of whom later married
Ned Ryerson. We had a small dancing club, some sixteen couples.
On Saturday nights we had dances that we called "Germans."
These were held at the girls' homes. On such an occasion the young
lady who was hostess did the cooking herself, helped by the other
girls. It was entertainment in the simplest and most gracious
fashion.

Among the houses we visited, one of the most interesting was the
Mitchell home at Edgewood. Donald Grant Mitchell, who wrote
Reveries of a Bachelor under the nom de plume of Ik Marvel, was

In Pitmiit of an Education 53

then enormously popular and perhaps lent a special aura of romance
to the household. Mr. Mitchell was simple and genial He dressed
informally and liked to go out and putter in his garden in the most
unconventional old clothes. One of my classmates once went to
the house on horseback to call on one of the daughters. Not recog-
nizing Mr. Mitchell in his gardening clothes, the boy threw the reins
to him and asked him to hold the horse. Mitchell did this and my
friend, when he left, handed him a quarter. The famous writer
kept his silence and the quarter.

The boys of the club were so intimate with the families of the girls
that the parents would allow us to escort them to any of the dances
or other entertainments.

Of course, the proms were held at the university and were slightly
more formal, although we danced mostly waltzes and square dances.
One of the strangest experiences I ever had at a college dance was at
a junior prom.

Among my college friends was Elijah Thien Foh Laisun, a
Chinese in the class below me. Although we knew each other fairly
well, I was somewhat taken aback when Laisun asked if I would be
kind enough -to help escort his sisters, then studying at a Connecticut
private school, to the prom. Naturally, I agreed to do what I could
to entertain them but inwardly I felt considerable embarrassment-
such is the superself-consciousness of a boy of that age in making
myself responsible for them. For moral support I inveigled another
chap into standing by me.

When the sisters arrived, we were in thorough consternation.
There was no doubt that they were pretty, but, dressed as they
were in colorful Chinese costume of embroidered slippers and jack-
ets, trousers, headdresses, and all, it was inevitable for them to be
the cynosure of all student eyes. Obviously my friends were en-
joying my all-too-apparent discomfiture.

As soon as the dancing began, the young ladies asked to be ex-
cused for a few minutes. After a truly uncomfortable wait, they
reappeared in American evening dresses. As the strains of a beautiful
waltz filled the air, my friend and I bowed dutifully to our partners
and swung into the dance. I rather fancied myself as a waltzer. At
the first step my spirits rose with a bound, and before we had circled

54 Tne Autooiograpliy of J onn Hays Hammond

the room it was obvious to all bystanders that the sisters were perfect
dancers. In no time they were besieged. Joyfully I claimed a prior
right, and it was only with much reluctance that I relinquished my
partners for an occasional dance with someone else.

The Chinese girls had been thoroughly posted in the type of con-
versation that appealed to college boys. They knew the names of the
captains of the baseball nine, the crew, and the football team. In
fact, they were so well informed about athletics and school activities
that it is little wonder they were popular.

Laisun himself came to Freiberg to study mining the year after I
went there. He had graduated from Yale with high honors and
was, in addition, the class poet. At Freiberg also he was an excellent
student and, after his graduation, passed on to a distinguished career
in China. I received an occasional letter from him for a few years;
I then lost all track of him.

More than fifty years later, Dr. Wu, son of an old friend, Wu
Ting-Fang, was minister to Washington as his father had been be-
fore him. I once asked him whether by any remote possibility he
had ever heard of Laisun. He smiled. "He was my first cousin.
He died just a few years ago." This was indeed a long shot out of
four hundred million Chinese.

College life for me, then, was a pleasant melange of books, pro-
fessors, comradeships, social diversions, and athletics. At Hopkins
Grammar School I had been captain of the baseball team and had
given Walter Camp, three classes behind me, his first education in
baseball. I continued athletics at Yale, spending some time in track
events and playing as captain on the Sheff football and baseball
teams. The effort involved was not so great in those days as it is
today when athletics are overemphasized and commercialized. I
had much free time for other activities.

The rowing situation was an interesting one in my day, and the
banner period of Yale rowing commenced in the latter part of my
college years. The races were six-oar races: there was no coxswain;
the steering was done by the bow oar. Yale had consistently lost
up to '73-

The '72 Yale crew was one of the worst I have ever seen and Yale
was badly beaten. Bob Cook, a freshman, rowed No. 3 in that race.

In Pursuit of an Education 55

After this defeat, President Porter was persuaded to grant Cook a
three months' leave of absence, so that he could go to England and
study the English stroke at Oxford and Cambridge.

Bob Cook is the greatest figure in the history of Yale rowing.
His father was a prosperous farmer in Fayette, Pennsylvania, and
strenuously opposed the idea of his coming to Yale. The boy was
very poor, since the only financial assistance he had was what his
mother could manage to give him.

The expenses of the trip to England were made up by contribu-
tions given by Bob's friends. I was one of those friends, though
still at Hopkins Grammar School, and was glad to contribute in a
small way. Many helped, even to the extent of pawning their
personal belongings or raising loans on the furniture in their rooms.

When Bob returned from England in April, 1873, he was made
captain of the Yale crew and retained this position during '74, '75,
and '76. Since he had overstayed his leave, he was dropped from
the class of '75 and joined '76, as he said, "in order to promote Yale's
success in rowing."

At first Bob had much difficulty in getting Yale to adopt the new
stroke he had learned in England. He did all the coaching himself,
but there was so much opposition to the stroke that the freshman crew
sent outside and hired a professional coach. However, Yale varsity
crew won in '73,

The '74 race, held at Saratoga, will never be forgotten by Yale
men of that time. The distance was three miles. Yale had perfected
the Cook stroke by then, and Yale men were confident of victory.
When the crews reached the two-mile mark it was signaled to the
large crowd at the finishing line that Yale was ahead. Under ordi-
nary circumstances this would mean that the race was a walkover
for Yale, as the advantage of the slower Yale stroke left the crew
comparatively fresh for the finishing spurt. After several minutes
the crews reached the finishing line and no Yale boat in sight.
It was not until some time afterwards that Yale, with a crippled
crew, arrived. This is the story I have often heard from my close
friend George L. Brownell ("Browny"), who rowed bow on the
Yale crew.

56 The Autobiography of Join Hays Hammond

He said that Yale was rowing the Cook stroke and taking things
easy, and was leading at the end of the second mile. The Harvard
boat came close alongside and Bob Cook yelled tauntingly to Richard
Dana, captain of the Harvard crew, "You better come up to Yale
and learn how to row."

As the rudder of the Yale boat passed, the bow oarsman of Harvard
struck it with his oar; this broke the rudder and caused the Yale
boat to veer sharply, snapping Brownell's oar and putting Yale out
of the race. Cook then called to Bob Cornell, captain of Columbia,
"Go ahead and win the race." Columbia did.

In those days, as stated before, steering was done by the bow oar.
It is difficult to believe that the damage was done deliberately by the
Harvard oarsman, but the majority of Yale men believed that to be
the case. There is no question but that Yale would have been several
lengths ahead if the accident had not occurred. Yale men were
convinced of the superiority of the Cook stroke. Indeed, it would
seem the Harvard men shared that opinion. In spite of every effort
made by the Yale students and alumni at Saratoga to have the race
rowed again, even offering a large purse to be donated to some
charity by the winner, Harvard refused.

Yale lost to Harvard in '75, and as I recollect, out of eight or ten
crews, came in near the last of the procession. But in '76 Yale won
again, and in that same year Cook stroked the four-oared crew which
won the International Race at the Centennial Exposition in Phila-
delphia.

Harvard won from Yale in '78 and '79 (the Yale crews were not
one hundred per cent Cook crews); then Yale won in '80 and '81.
But there was a rebellion against the English stroke, and in '82 and
'83 Yale rowed what was known as the donkey engine stroke losing
both races.

Cook coached in '84 and Yale won. Then there was another re-
bellion against the English stroke, led by Louis Hull who coached
the '85 crew, which lost.

In '86 Cook came back into power and won every race against
Harvard up to and including '98, with the exception of '91. There
was no race in '96; Yale went to Henley that year.

In Pursuit of an Education 57

Briefly, Bob Cook coached fourteen crews that won from Harvard.
During the time he coached, Yale was beaten by Harvard only in
'75> '785 '79> and '9 1 - Today all American colleges row what is
practically the Cook stroke. The beauty of this stroke is that in a
four-mile race the men conserve their strength, rowing only about
32 against the American stroke of 40 or more per minute.

My last year at college, 1876, 1 saw the Yale crew in an eight-oar
race at Springfield. On this race I won $25 from my Harvard friend,
Ogden Mills, of California. I more than compensated him in later
years, however, by making for him many millions of dollars in
mining investments.

I have kept up my interest in Yale rowing and have shown my
confidence in my Alma Mater by haying a small bet on her every
year for over fifty years. The net result has been in my favor.
Each year for many years I had a bet of $25 with Jack Follensby, a
friend from Harvard, and we kept this up even after I went to Africa.
Today Samuel Winslow, another Harvard friend, who was one of
her crack oarsmen, and I bet a box of cigars on every Yale-Harvard

race.

Of all the sports I enjoyed at Yale, boxing probably proved the
most useful knowledge for later years. Bill and Lett Dole taught
boxing for several years. Bill, the elder, was at times rather brutal
and in general rougher than we thought necessary. We planned to
play a practical joke on him. Walker Elaine, Chester Dawes, and
a few more of us arranged a boxing match for Bill Dole. We
secured a professional from New York, hired a hall, and sold tickets.
Full of pleasurable anticipation, we conspirators expected to see Dole
soundly beaten, but much to our amazement, he gave the professional
a good licking. The joke was on us.

Lett Dole, later head of the athletic department at St. Paul's School,
was my teacher. He was about my size. The skill I acquired from
him stood me in good stead on at least two occasions.

The first affair took place in Nevada. I had been sent to examine
a mine, which I soon began to suspect had been salted. Having
made an agreement with the owners that I was to have complete
charge during the examination, I politely requested the assayer to
absent himself while the tests were being made. I then secured

58 Xne Autooiograpny of Joim Hays JCXammona

another assayer and put up a notice on the door of the office, No ONE
ALLOWED. I explained to the company assayer that this was no
reflection on him, but that, since I alone was responsible for the
result of the examination, I must take unusual precautions. He
apparently viewed the situation lightly. The next morning, how-
ever, I found him waiting at the door, and insisting on going into
the assay office.

"You can't go in there," I said.
"The hell I can't!" he retorted.

There was only one way to settle this argument, so we repaired to
the back yard. He was considerably taller than I. The patrons of
the saloon next door emerged between drinks to watch the fight.
They were opposed to engineers as a class, though they had nothing
against me personally since they had never seen me before. In the
opening round, the odds were heavily in favor of my opponent, who,
I soon discovered, knew nothing about boxing. He tried to foul
me several times, at which the crowd, with its inherent instinct for
fair play, protested. The cheers for him and the boos for me began
to shift. As he kept fouling and I kept dodging, there were cries
of "Give the little fellow a fair show!" Finally he gave me an
opening and I knocked him out.

The other affair also was in the line of duty, but this time in
South Africa. In company with a mechanical engineer named Con-
nor, I was driving a horse and buggy to a mine near Johannesburg
where I was to make an examination. On the way, I met a heavy-
set drunken fellow, also with a horse and buggy. After his erratic
course had almost forced me into a ditch, I shouted: "What the hell
are you doing?'* He reined in his horse, handed the lines to his
Kaffir boy, jumped out, and came towards me. I was out of my
buggy almost as quickly as he, and met him on the road. Without
preliminaries, he closed with me, and with the first blow cut my
nose so deeply that I still carry the scar. Connor rushed in to separate
us but, so hot was the combat, he was forced out again at once with
two black eyes.

My opponent was a bruiser but, because of my thorough training
from Dole and, perhaps, because of my tremendous rage, I was able

In Pursuit of an Education 59

to get in several telling blows. I gave him a black eye for my cut
nose, and finally forced him to cry quits.

My face was covered with blood when I reached the house of the
manager, Victor Clement. I was busily describing to Mrs, Clement
how I had been in an accident, and apparently was getting away
with my story, when her husband came in. Victor said he had
seen the other fellow.

It seems I had had the temerity to engage in personal combat with
Coffee Jacobs, an English Jew and professional prize fighter. When
I met him, he was on his way to a wedding and had begun to cele-
brate in advance. After his fight with me, he met Clement and
asked him whether he was presentable enough to attend the wedding.
Clement told him to go ahead, his face was really much improved.
I had had a lucky escape; if Jacobs had not been drinking, he would
undoubtedly have beaten me badly.

The story did not get into the newspapers, although it spread far
and wide. A few weeks later, some hundreds of miles away in
Rhodesia, Dr. Jameson asked me how my nose had become so
damaged. Before I could begin to mumble, "Well, you see, it was
this way ..."

Jameson laughed and said, "You needn't explain, I know all
about it."

Curiously enough, the fight made Coffee Jacobs a good friend
to me. He kept a bakery in Pretoria, and when I was in prison there
after the Jameson Raid, he regularly took bread to my wife to be
relayed to me. It was a service that was greatly appreciated. Poor
Jacobs did not get off so well with the next Yankee he crossed. About
a year after the Raid, while on another spree, he started an argument
with an American in a saloon, whereupon the latter in self-defense
shot him dead. In contrast to the prevalence of shooting affrays in
our West, this and the murder of Woolf Joel are the only two cases
of the kind I encountered during my years in South Africa.

In 1899, on one of my many business trips to South Africa, I heard
that a certain von Veltheim, a bad character, had threatened the life
of Woolf Joel, the nephew of Barney Barnato. I urged Joel to return
to London, but he insisted that business would keep him in Johan-
nesburg for a time. At any rate, he said he did not fear von Velt-

60 Tke A-UtoDiograpky of Jonn Hay$ Hammond

helm's threats as he had Harold Strange for bodyguard, I knew
Strange and was not impressed with his ability to protect Joel.

I looked tip Strange at once and found that he was not only un-
accustomed to guns, but was extremely clumsy in handling his pistol.
I warned him that von Veltheim had a reputation as a gunman and
that in a crisis, if he could beat von Veltheim on the draw, he should
shoot to kill Like most tenderfeet, Strange was well satisfied with
himself and said he was not afraid of von Veltheim.

The next day von Veltheim came to Joel's office and demanded
a large sum of money as blackmail. Joel refused. Strange started
to draw his pistol, but von Veltheim drew more quickly and killed
Joel. At the trial he pleaded self-defense and was acquitted.

During my last year at Yale I was to graduate in 1876 Daniel
C. Easton, the instructor in botany, gave a few students in his class
the privilege of accompanying him on botanical excursions. These
usually took place on the most beautiful days of the brief New Eng-
land spring, when some of us, at least, were apt to find other attrac-
tions more potent, I, for one, used to make off at the first opportunity
for Edgewood and the Mitchells', where with other similarly minded
youths I passed the pleasant afternoon hours.

I was quite prepared to flunk my graduating examination in botany.
Only a miracle saved me. The day before the examination I was
discussing the matter with my classmate, Legrand Smith. I said
despondently: "I don't believe I have one chance in a million of
getting by botany. Even if I did know anything about it, I can't
tell the difference between one flower and another."

"Well," he replied, "botany isn't really so hard. If you do what I
tell you for the next two hours you may have a chance yet."

We were going up Hillhouse Avenue. He jumped over a fence
and broke a branch from a syringa bush; opening his textbook, he
showed me clearly the distinguishing features of that particular plant.
Then and there I learned the syringa upside down and inside out.
As this was virtually my entire botanical preparation, it was with
considerable inward trepidation that I entered the examination room
the next morning. There stood the professor and before him on a
table lay a variety of flowers. Each student was to take one to his

In Pursuit of an Education 61

desk, name it, and classify it according to the manual. When my
turn came I had but one hope if there was a syringa there, and
if I could get it, I might still pass. As I approached the table, my
eyes searched eagerly through the tangled collection for my one
and only friend in the field of botany. Yes! there it was. I was sure
I could not be mistaken in its light green leaf and pure white blossom.
As nonchalantly as possible I practiced all the legerdemain of which
I was capable, extracted the syringa, and took it to my desk. Re-
membering Smith's analysis of it only a few hours before, I prepared
a paper, turned it in the first of all those present, and received a
perfect mark for it. Although I am no more able now than I was
then to distinguish various flowers, there is one blossom I can always
identify, and one delicate fresh fragrance for which I have a special
affection.

As the time approached for graduation I had to make a choice of
some profession. I realized that an office life would never suit me;
I must do something active, preferably something with a dash of
adventure. I liked the independent outdoor life with which I had
become familiar as a boy in the mining districts of California. Had
not gold mining caught and held my imagination then, I might
have taken the railroad job that was offered me by my friend, Fred
Crocker, of the Central and South Pacific Railway Company. I had
studied nothing at Sheff that would lead specifically to mining as
a lif ework, but now that the time had come for a definite decision,
I knew that I wanted to be a mining engineer.

Although my father had already sent me to Yale at considerable
financial sacrifice, he concurred in my decision and gave his consent
to my entering the famous Royal School of Mines at Freiberg,
Saxony, as there were no good mining schools in the United States.

To be perfectly frank, what I really wanted to do at this moment
was to continue my athletics and go to Saratoga for the athletic con-
tests. My athletic career at Yale had been sadly interrupted by two
illnesses. When I first entered I was in bed for two months with
dysentery, and later I had fallen on my head while doing some
tumbling stunts in the gymnasium and was laid up ten weeks. How-
ever, my father pointed out that it would be necessary for me to be
in Freiberg when the semester started, so I set out for Germany.

62 Tne -Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

Since this chapter in my life has been largely concerned with
intimate affairs of Yale, perhaps chiefly interesting to Yale men, I
should like to close it with a word about the Yale spirit, a feeling
about which we hear much as undergraduates and one which even
the least sentimental of us come to realize as the years go on. It is
difficult to define. Perhaps only a Yale man knows what it is. Re-
cently, while I was seeking for a definition, Mrs. Arthur Twining
Hadley sent me a quotation from an article by Professor Charles
Seymour, an article in which he attempts to explain to Yale grad-
uates the purpose of the new College Plan at Yale. He writes:

The tradition of "good teaching" at Yale is very old.
The students, following the natural tendencies of youth,
emphasized the social rather than the intellectual as-
pects of the land, and developed that sentiment of
solidarity that came to be called "Yale Spirit." Both
aspects have persisted and their vitality may explain
the fact that Yale has produced both eminent scholars
and distinguished citizens. Four years on the Yale
Campus prepared the undergraduate not merely for
intellectual power but for a sense of social responsibility.

CHAPTER FOUR

Training an Engineer

MODERN EDUCATION IN A MEDIEVAL SETTING
STUDENT DAYS AT FREIBERG I AVERT A DUEL
THE BIERK.ONIG THE LURE OF VIENNA I COMPETE
FOR THE QUEEN'S CUP AND WIN ANOTHER PRIZE

shortly after graduating I set
___ 'sail for Europe, and during
the summer rambled pleasantly through various capitals with my
two Yale classmates, Charles D. Hawley and John M. Cunningham.
In the fall we three registered at the time-honored Konigliche Sach-
sische Bergakademie founded at Freiberg in 1765. Although the
subsequent establishment of great technical schools throughout the
world, in which the United States now stands first, has turned later
generations of mining engineers to other centers of learning, to the
nineteenth century student of mining and metallurgy Freiberg was
what Heidelberg and the Sorbonne were to his literary colleague.
Freiberg had already produced a long line of leaders in the scientific
world.

Among its famous sons were two great American figures: Rossiter
W. Raymond and Raphael Pumpelly, pioneers and recognized
authorities in mining and mineralogy, not only in America but
throughout the world. The* former entered Freiberg in 1860 and
there prepared himself for a brilliant career of nearly sixty years
which was to spread his fame as mining engineer, professor, author,
linguist, lawyer, editor, poet, and musician wherever science and
literature were esteemed. Raphael Pumpelly, Freiberg '59, has been
termed the American von Humboldt. Until his death in 1923 he

63

64 The Automograpty of Jolm Hays Hammond

was pre-eminent in the eyes of the civilized world as author, engineer,
and archaeologist.

From the great Werner, father of geology, down to my own time,
those eager to extract her secrets and treasures from Mother Earth
had turned to Freiberg for instruction; they had sat at the feet of her
illustrious Herren Doktoren; under her stimulus they had sallied
forth to unlock the hidden places of wealth and bid all nations
partake of their abundance. They had learned "to scorn ostentation
and live laborious days." Something more than mere intelligence
and natural ability drove these pioneers of mineral science to apply
their great talents to world-development. Moreover, their rigid
training in this old Saxon school bade them prefer the truth and
honor of their calling above material considerations,

Germany was a kindly, simple land in those days before Welt-
poUti]^ became a national cult. Freiberg itself was one of the fore-
most mining centers of Europe, with a population of some twenty
thousand. In every way it was in contrast to the sprawling, ragged
mining camps with which I had been familiar in the American West.
There were no shanties and no rutted, unpaved streets. There was
no raucous crowd of adventurers gathered around saloon bars. In-
stead, the thrifty, earnest Saxons pursued a quiet and well-ordered
existence, conscious perhaps of the great moss-grown bastions and
frowning watchtowers of the twelfth century schloss, which brooded
above them as a crumbling reminder of their feudal past. In the
town below, the dreamy reverberations of the cathedral bell period-
ically dulled the noisy activities of the quaint old Obermarkt. Be-
yond the town were the famous lead-silver mines, the concentration
mills, and the smelting works in which the ores were treated. Even
then these mines had been in operation for six and a half centuries.
They had yielded profits for some years, but during my time the
profits were small if any; there were even occasional losses. The
mines were maintained in large measure for educational purposes.
Hawley, Cunningham, and I agreed to room together, and pres-
ently secured pleasant lodgings which tradition said had once been
occupied by Alexander von Humboldt. The additional rent, in
any case, was an indisputable fact. We took no chances, however,
of being deprived of any possible inspiration and promptly installed

Training an Engineer 65

ourselves in the great man's quarters. We had three plain rooms
directly under the roof, up three flights of stairs in an old ramshackle
building on a side street, but what did this matter in the "brave days
when I was twenty-one"? Nevertheless, if von Humboldt's ghost
ever did walk on those moonlit nights in Freiberg, it never sought
us, high up in our chambers over the Hornstrasse.

Besides this Yale trio of ours, there were a few other Americans at
the Akadeinie: Albert Seligman, of the banking family of that name;
Herman Schlapp, who achieved fame in his profession as a metal-
lurgist, both in this country and in Australia; and Frederick G.
Corning.

The regular course at Freiberg, with the degree of mining engi-
neer, covered four years. Most of the Americans at that time studied
only three years and were not entitled to the final degree; although
the curriculum of the three-year course was comprehensive enough
to enable us to practice our profession in America. Corning was
the only one of us who completed the full course and obtained a
regular degree. He later earned recognition from many engineering
associations and schools which showed their appreciation of his
ability by conferring honorary degrees upon him. In 1922 he re-
ceived the title of Ehrenbiirger der Bergakademie from the Mining
Academy of Freiberg, and in 1928 he was made Ehrensenator of
the Freiberg faculty.

Probably no other educational institution in the world had a more
cosmopolitan student body: Russians, Englishmen, Americans,
Italians, Canadians, South Americans, Mexicans, Japanese, Chinese,
Australians, Poles, Austrians, Bohemians a truly heterogeneous col-
lection of nationalities.

It must be said that a mining engineer is not graduated in the
same sense as his medical or theological brother. Because of the
very nature of his problems, nothing in the way of instruction
can guarantee that he will be able to practice his profession with
that well-rounded knowledge of his subject assured to the doctor
of medicine or divinity. All that the mining school, or the school
of technology, can hope to do is to make him versed in the funda-
mentals. Other things being equal, however, the mining engineer
who engages in his profession with a firm foundation of study and

66 Xne Autobiography of JoJan Hays Hammond

theoretical experiment naturally is immeasurably better equipped
than if he had had no academic experience, and is likely to rise far
higher than his untrained contemporary with due respect to the
old Forty-niners.

The distinctive feature of Freiberg training unique at that time
but almost universal today was the division of time between lec-
tures and laboratory work at the university, and field work at the
mines. The former covered higher mathematics, descriptive ge-
ometry, mechanics, experimental physics, mineralogy, geology,
paleontology, mining law, jurisprudence, mining concentration (ore
dressing), ore deposits, mine surveying, and mining machinery.
Finally, in addition to learning the German mining laws, whoever
wanted a degree had to spend five or six months writing a thesis on
a given problem or project in practical engineering, the subject
being determined by the faculty.

In spite of the extremely difficult and technical nature of the
curriculum, there was much frequenting of concerts and biergarten
by professors and students. My friend Corning described the pic-
turesque incidents occurring on the trips to the mines in his book,
A Student Reverie. When day shift relieved night shift, or vice
versa, there was usually a prayer service during which the miners
sang hymns, to an organ accompaniment. This gave a weird effect,
especially when carried on by candlelight.

My friends and I had not been established long in Freiberg before
we were waited upon in our sky parlor by one of the officers of a
certain fighting corps. He was attired in full dress and carried an
invitation for us to join, I, acting as spokesman, refused, saying we
had passed through our rollicking days while at college and had
come to Freiberg for serious work. "But," he retorted, "suppose
you are challenged to a duel, what will you, as self-respecting gentle-
men, do?"

To this I replied that it was not our custom to lay ourselves open
to affronts nor were we in the habit of picking quarrels; yet, if any
German insulted us, we should thrash him on the spot without
waiting for the formality of a duel. That, I explained, was the way
it was done in America and in England.

AKTHUR TWINING HADLEY (1856-1930)

HAWLEY, CUNNINGHAM., AND MYSELF.,
UNDERGROUND AT FREIBERG

Training an Engineer 67

I was never again invited to join the corps and was never chal-
lenged. Instead of being antagonized by my downright declara-
tion, the corps thereafter showed us many courtesies, especially at
the time of its kneipen. Most of the Americans and Englishmen
at Freiberg in my time felt as I did, choosing rather to belong to
the Anglo-American Club than to the student corps.

The members of the corps did not always fight to avenge an in-
sult. Sometimes the duels were arranged in a friendly spirit; the
participants were selected by the ministers of war of each corps, the
only stipulation being that those chosen should have had equal ex-
perience in using the schlager. Meetings were held from time to
time in some quiet beer hall outside of Freiberg and several contests
would take place. The attitude of the law toward dueling was de-
cidedly inconsistent: it prohibited dueling though no great diligence
was manifested in suppressing it and at the same time required that
a surgeon be always in attendance.

A duel was not an entirely pleasing spectacle. Although the com-
batants were protected by a covering over the throat and other vital
parts of the body, the affairs were likely to be gory. The blood was
licked tip by the dogs belonging to the corps. It was no dishonor
to be wounded. There was hardly a graduate of a German univer-
sity who did not carry one or more scars on his face. Indeed, every
effort was made to transform the scars into permanent welts by
keeping them unhealed as long as possible.

On one occasion a young student named Caesar Vicuna y Correa,
brother of the secretary of the Chilean Legation in Paris, was chal-
lenged. Vicuna came to me in great concern, and reported that
some impudent German had tried to pick a quarrel with him merely
in order to force him to fight. Although he was not afraid to accept
the challenge, he had promised his brother to have nothing to do
with the corps.

I felt I was involved because Vicuna's brother had asked me to
keep an eye on this newcomer.

"Don't worry," I said grandly. 'Tou just leave the matter in my
hands." Then added, "By the way, you're pretty good with a rapier,
aren't you?"

68 Tne Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

Vicuna modestly admitted that he had studied in Paris under the
best masters. I then sallied forth to meet the challenger's second
in the appointed place.

"Vicuna accepts the challenge and has selected the rapier/' I an-
nounced.

The second seemed surprised, and protested against the use of so
dangerous a weapon, which, he insisted, was not justified by the
trifling incident that had led to the challenge. I replied that, while
the original affront may not have been sufficient to justify the use
of the rapier, I could and would add an insult which must necessi-
tate its use.

I then proceeded roundly to declare the contempt Vicuna felt for
his cowardly challenger. The second avowed that that opinion and
my manner of expressing it made a duel with rapiers practically
obligatory, and he retired to consult with his principal. Meanwhile,
I was letting the report be spread about that Vicuna was an accom-
plished swordsman. The net result was that, after some slight
further negotiation, I succeeded in getting Vicuna's opponent to make
a proper retraction of his challenge before the student body at Frei-
berg. Needless to say, Vicuna was never interfered with thereafter.
He lived long, married, and begot eighteen children, who might
have been lost to the world but for my timely intervention.

There was at Freiberg another type of dueling, in which beer
instead of blood was spilled. The custom of beer dueling dates back
many hundred years. Though entered into in a jocose spirit, it was
conducted with great formality. At any slight violation of the
etiquette of beer drinking among the students, the offender would
be called to account with the challenge, "You are a beer junger."
The challenged would reply, "Accepted!" or sometimes "Accepted
double!" the latter meaning that he was willing to tackle two
steins of beer. An umpire would then be appointed to see that the
steins contained the same amount of beer; in other words, that the
opponents were evenly weaponed.

At the word "Los!" the drinking began. The man who first
emptied his stein and struck the table with it was pronounced the
winner. If either cheated by spilling or leaving a drop in his stein,
he was sent to Coventry and tried at a beer court consisting of three

Training an Engineer 69

judges. Defense and prosecution had the privilege of engaging
counsel and calling up witnesses, as in any court. The judges then
pronounced sentence a certain amount of beer to be consumed by
the assembly and paid for by the guilty party.

A renowned beer guzzler enjoyed the distinction of being called
bierkonig. The capacity of this beer king was incredible: thirty or
forty quarts a day could be consumed by an expert. He was such an
attraction in the beer halls that it was considered a privilege to be
presented to him, to be accorded the honor of drinking a ganzer to
his health, and in turn to treat him to a stein of beer. Beer drinking
in such large quantities tended to make the imbibers gemiitlich, and
not disposed to fight, as are the hard liquor addicts. They became
comatose rather than combative.

One of my most interesting summer vacations was spent with
Count Hahn at his ancestral home, Castle Basedow, in Schleswig-
Holstein. It was one of the celebrated estates in that part of Ger-
many. This visit has ever remained in my memory. On my first
evening at Basedow, I was given the seat of honor on the right of
Countess Hahn, the mother of my friend, young Count Hahn. She
was a remarkable woman. When we had finished dinner, I kissed
her hand as was the custom and said, "Gesegnete mahlzeit."

I then escorted her to the drawing room for coffee. Cigars were
passed. Countess Hahn selected a fat black one and smoked it with
deep satisfaction. I also took one, my first attempt at smoking a
cigar; the disastrous effect of that, too, has ever remained in my
memory.

The elder Count Hahn was harmlessly mad. He spent most of
his time collecting stamps to send to China. He believed that each
stamp would convert a Chinese and that if he could send enough of
them he would save the souls of the whole nation. The Countess
Hahn was compelled to assume the management of their great
estate, which she was well able to do. She was an enthusiastic
sportswoman and kept a large racing stable. The Hahn stables had
won races all over Europe, including I have been told every ,
English classic except the Derby.

One day she had a very handsome mount brought for me to ride.
I surprised her by saying, "I believe he is lame; he favors his off hind

70 J_ne Autobiograpky of Jolin Hays Hammond

leg." She had the horse examined, and the investigation showed
that I was right. From this she promptly concluded that I must be
an authority on horses. A day or so later a hunt was staged. All the
guests posted themselves in wait for the game, which was to be
driven in. I must confess that the way they handled their guns made
me nervous and I kept conveniently near a large tree. Presently a
fox was run up. All fired at him and missed. Then I was lucky
enough to bring him down. The countess decided that I must be
a great hunter also. She gave me her hearty friendship. Without
immodesty I may say that I was an asset to my hostess for the vaca-
tion entertainments: I seemed to be something out of the ordinary
and I was from fabulous California.

One day in Washington, nearly fifty years later, my friend Baron
Ago Maltzan, the German ambassador, asked me whether I had
ever been in Schleswig-Holstein. I replied: "Yes, in my twenty-
third year, when I was studying mining engineering at Freiberg. I
went there during vacation with my young friend, Count Hahn."

Von Maltzan smiled. "Curiously enough my father's estate, where
I was born about the time you were at Castle Basedow, adjoins it."
Later the ambassador made a trip to Germany. On his return he
told me that while visiting his father, then a very old man, he had
mentioned his friendship with me. "And," he added, "my father
remembers you very well"

As half a century had passed since my visit to Castle Basedow, and
I had no recollection whatever of the elder von Maltzan, I found this
statement difficult to credit. I said, "How can that be?"

The ambassador answered: "When my father heard that you were
visiting at Castle Basedow, he made a special trip there just to see
you. He never had seen anyone from California, and he was very
anxious to find out what a young Calif ornian would look like."

During my stay in Freiberg my father's old friend, General E. F.
Beale, was American minister to Austria. I visited him several times
at his Viennese home. It was he who had carried to Washington,
D. C, the first gold nugget found by Marshall In t86i, Lincoln
appointed him surveyor general of California. The early Mexican
land grants, heavily encumbered by the easy-going ranchers, were
being sold to satisfy creditors and were going begging for buyers.

MY WIFE, NATALIE HARRIS

MYSELF AT FREIBERG

Training an Engineer 71

Beale went into the market and acquired league upon league of land.
Lincoln heard of his purchases and disapproved; he was himself too
honest to relish even a hint of any wrongdoing on the part of one of
his appointees. He asked one of the California senators, "Senator,
what sort of fellow is this man Beale of California?"

"A pretty good fellow, Mr. President. Why?" came the reply.

"Well, I appointed him surveyor general out there, and I under-
stand that he is 'monarch of all he has surveyed.' "

An investigation quickly cleared General Beale of all suspicion
and Lincoln, satisfied that there was no dishonesty, continued him
in office.

When Grant became president, Beale was appointed minister to
Austria, a post requiring much tact because of the strained relations
arising out of the unforgotten Maximilian episode in Mexico. Un-
der these difficult conditions, General Beale scored a brilliant diplo-
matic success. Part of his personal popularity, perhaps, was due to
the princely hospitality he dispensed.

At the Beaks' I was treated as one of the family. Mrs. Beale ap-
pointed me a committee of one to hunt up and invite deserving
American students to her receptions, while General Beale gave me
the opportunity to meet many of his colleagues in the diplomatic
corps. During my first visit, the Russo-Turkish War was in progress.
Speculation of all. kinds was rife; gossip and intrigue filled the air;
the innermost secrets of the chancelleries were openly whispered
everywhere. Naturally I took advantage of every opportunity to
absorb inside information about the "sick man of Europe" and the
suggested remedies.

The beautiful Empress Elizabeth had not yet withdrawn into re-
tirement, and the court at Schonbrunn was maintained with all the
pomp that had always surrounded the Hapsburgs. Although I did
not meet Francis Joseph at this time, General Beale managed to
smuggle me into some of the minor court functions. I was deeply
sensible of the lure of Vienna itself, compounded of bright skies,
smiling green parks, crowds of gaily dressed people, gorgeous uni-
forms, lilting waltz echoes, and incomparable cafs and beer gar-
dens. The Blue Danube was new then and Johann Strauss was a
popular figure at social functions. To a young man like myself,

72 Xne Autobiography of Jonu Hays Hammond

avid for new experiences, Vienna offered a fascinating introduction
to the cosmopolitan European world.

From Freiberg we made occasional visits to Dresden, the Saxon
capital, then as now famous for art and music, and popular with
Americans. There I met General Nathaniel H. Harris, a Confederate
veteran who had brought his young niece, Natalie Harris, to Europe
to complete her education in music, and to finish the training of an
already beautiful voice. The enchantment of the old town, the com-
mon bond of language, and the sense of companionship in exile
all were conducive to romance. I soon realized that Miss Harris
meant considerably more to me than a pleasant acquaintance. For
some reason which I have never completely understood, she was led
to entertain similarly warm sentiments toward me.

At this time it was the custom in Dresden to hold an annual track
meet, open to all the students of Germany. At its close, the queen
of Saxony would present a cup to the winner of the greatest num-
ber of events. While most of those who accepted the invitations to
compete were Englishmen, a few Americans and Germans also en-
tered the contest. I enrolled myself in all five events: the hundred
yard dash, the hundred and twenty yard hurdle, the quarter mile
race, the quarter mile hurdle, and the high jump.

Because of my extreme nervousness at the prospect of appearing
before royalty, I felt the need of some special inspiration. Making
a jest of a serious matter, I asked Miss Harris what she would give
me if I won the queen's prize. She replied, in the same vein, "I
will give you my hand." Whether she regarded my victory as a
hundred to one shot or not has always been a matter of conjecture,
but I had obtained her promise and girded myself for action.

At Yale I had learned something about the value of technique in
track events. The technique of hurdling, however, I learned in Ger-
many by watching my English rivals practice. From them I picked
up the trick of taking the hurdles in my stride rather than gathering
myself together and leaping each hurdle as a horse takes a jump.
With this borrowed form I managed in the hundred and twenty
yard hurdle to better the record established the previous year in the
Oxford-Cambridge meet I thus became for two years the proud

Training an Engineer 73

holder of an international record, although I could not have held it
for five seconds against a modern hurdler.

In his recollections of those days Fred Corning described me as
"not of a long-legged Apollo type of beauty." Nevertheless, I lost
only the high jump and I managed to win the four races, and thereby
won also the queen's cup. Surely never was prize so thankfully
grasped; I am not certain that I did not snatch it from Her Majesty's
hand. I do distinctly recall my bow, which, because of its alarming
depth, became a legend among Freiberg students.

As I advanced to receive the prize, my long blue cotton stockings
modestly covering my knees, I was obliged to walk over wet grass.
Even beneath my spiked track shoes the turf was exceedingly slip-
pery and, when the queen handed me the cup I had not only to bow
but to retire backwards. Between my original inclination of the
body and the first step backwards over the slithery turf, I achieved
an obeisance so profound that it brought my forehead almost on a
level with my feet. Just in time, I recovered my balance and backed
of? with comparative dignity, while the German audience, as I was
told later, gasped at the astounding grace of the American youth.

Thus, in the quaint old German town, I found the guide to all my
better fortunes.

When I wrote the news of my engagement to my father, he replied
delightedly that it was none other than General Harris's mother
who had entertained Sherman and himself when, as young officers,
they had been in Vicksburg on their tour through the South after
the Seminole War. It was, therefore, not the first time that a Ham-
mond had bowed to a Harris I the last welcome was no less cordial
than the first. It appeared, too, that one of General Harris's brothers
had served in the Louisiana Tigers when commanded by my uncle,
General Harry T. Hays, and that the two had been intimate friends.

In this pleasant fashion I brought my three years' stay at Freiberg
to a close in 1879, I was i n possession not only of my professional
education, but also of my future wife. It was now necessary for me
to apply my training to practical life to win my spurs, as my father
wrote ray fiancee before I could be married.

Accordingly, I packed my bags and began the long trip home to
the Far West.

CHAPTER JIVE

The Bottom of tke Ladder

DOWN IN WESTERN MINES SLEEPING WITH A
MURDERER THE HANGING TREE TOMBSTONE AND
GUNPLAY WYATT EARP CRIME AND LAW

ENFORCEMENT CAPTAIN BILL MACDONALD I

PROFESS IGNORANCE TO OBTAIN A JOB THE
FIRST MONEY I EVER EARNED I JOIN THE
UNITED STATES GEOLOGICAL SURVEY THE BAD
MAN OF BODIE A NEWCOMER AMONG THE
OLD-TIMERS GHOST TOWNS ROUGH TRAILS

Ithough my training at Freiberg

. "*had been the best obtainable at

that time, I was convinced that I needed additional practical experi-
ence particularly in quartz gold mining and the metallurgical treat-
ment of gold ores. Therefore, almost immediately upon my return
to Calif ornia, in the autumn of 1879, 1 sought and secured introduc-
tions to the superintendents of the Idaho and Original Empire mines
in the Grass Valley district of California.

Grass Valley is situated in Nevada County some fifty miles north
of the great Mother Lode, a mineral-bearing zone which extends for
eighty miles along the western foothills of the Sierra Nevada range,
but the Grass Valley veins have no resemblance nor geological rela-
tion to those of the Mother Lode system. It was in this the Grass
Valley district that quartz mining had been initiated in 1850 and
here its peculiar technique was best developed. After profitably

Tke Bottom of tke Ladder 75

spending several months in the mills and underground workings,
I decided to inspect the mining districts of Arizona. ' My Freiberg
classmate, Jack Cunningham, always ready for adventure, joined me
on this trip.

Our route necessarily led through Casa Grande, Arizona, then
the most important outfitting station for all those headed for southern
Arizona or northern Mexico. There we met Major Pauline Cush-
man, who with Lotta Crabtree and Modjeska holds a place of
special honor in the hearts of all good Westerners.

Major Cushman had won her commission for secret service work
within the enemy's lines during the Civil War; up to that time no
woman had attained this rank in the United States Army. Her
usefulness to the northern cause was supposed to have been con-
siderably impaired, however, by her having fallen in love with the
handsome Confederate raider, "Guerrilla" Mosby, whom she had
been sent to spy upon. This incipient romance must have failed
to develop as, at the time of our visit, she was married to Jerry
Fryer, a one-eighth Cherokee Indian. Fryer was over six feet in
height, exceptionally handsome and striking looking. He had also
been financially successful. Starting with a tent-structure hotel at
Casa Grande, he later built adobe houses, and eventually Jerry
Fryer's outfitting place became as well known in the Southwest
during the seventies and eighties as Sutter's Fort had been in the
days of the gold rush.

I did not neglect to visit the ancient Indian ruins near Fryer's
place. These adobe buildings, two or three stories high and rising
directly out of the desert, were most impressive. It is thought by arch-
aeologists that their inhabitants were related to the cliff dwellers,
but nobody knows exactly who these people were, or when and why
they abandoned their city. Although of an extremely primitive
civilization, they had built a system of irrigating canals extending
thirty or forty miles from the Gila River to Casa Grande, and such
good engineers were they that the grade and width of the canal
system were carefully regulated to the needs of water development
along the course of the river. Today this system has been reopened
and utilized.

76 Tie Autooiograpny of Jokn Hays Hammond

After outfitting at Casa Grande, Cunningham and I moved on to
the Silver King. This mine, which produced eighteen million dol-
lars during its lifetime, played an important part in the development
of the struggling Arizona Territory. Our next stop was Globe, the
new rush mining camp in the heart of the Apache country. We
made an early start across the mountains, taking with us a pack
mule to carry our camping equipment and assay outfits. We had
been told at Silver King that about halfway to Globe there was a
small ranch kept by a woman who would provide us with an ex-
ceptionally good meal.

We arrived at the ranch about midday with a good keen appetite,
but found it deserted; not a human being was to be seen anywhere
around. Disappointed in our hopes for a meal, we proceeded on
our way without any suspicion that an Apache raid only a few hours
earlier had forced the owner of the ranch to take to the hills. It
must have been by some special providence that we reached our
destination late in the afternoon without having encountered a
single Indian. When we told the stablekeeper at Globe that we
had crossed the trail he was amazed. Had we been even a few
hours earlier we would have run into an Apache raiding party.

If we had been attacked it would not have been much out of the
ordinary, since in the late seventies there were in Arizona numerous
bands of roving Apaches who were unreconciled to the invasion of
the white men and were, consequently, a serious menace to the lone
traveler. Journeys, in stage or on horseback, demanded constant
vigilance and considerable boldness.

Nor were the Indians the only dangerous wild men in Arizona,
On our arrival in Globe, Cunningham and I went to the principal
hotel, a roomy tent-structure run by a lady fully able to cope with
any emergency, even of a new mining camp. Jack was lucky enough
to get a bunk at once; he was not feeling well, so he turned in im-
mediately. A little later I applied for a bunk, but the landlady said
there was none available all had been taken and paid for in ad-
vance. In spite of the woman's hardened appearance, I appealed to
her motherly instinct I told her how weary I was, what a hard
trip I had made, and how grateful I would be for a place to spread
my blankets. Finally she pointed to a bunk in the corner, saying

The Bottom of tke Ladder 77

that a man had engaged it for a week and had paid for it; "but,"
she added, "he hasn't been here for a couple of nights, and if you're
willing to take a chance of him throwing you out if he comes in,
you can go on and have it."

I was so dog-tired that I was willing to take the chance and did
not much care whether he turned up or not; at least I would try to
get some sleep first. About midnight, I was roughly awakened.
Somebody was grabbing my shoulder; wanting to know who in
hell I was and why in hell I was where I was. He had turned up.
I tried to explain as patiently and as soothingly as a sleep-drugged
man could. It made no difference, I'd better^get out quick or he'd
throw me out which way did I want it? I saw that he was some-
what the worse for a certain kind of wear, and with what was nothing
less than inspiration pointed to my coat hanging on a nail at the
bunk head.

"Friend," I said, "have a drink.'* He reached into the pocket and
fetched out a flask. Taking a handsome swig, he passed it to me,
and to fan the fire of a feeble friendship, I joined him. After that
it was no trouble to get him to say that he wouldn't mind sleeping
with me, while I intimated that I would be pleased to bunk with
him. Again I rolled up in my traveling blankets and dozed off.
About daybreak I awoke, to find him just departing.

Thinking no more of this incident, Cunningham and I spent two
days in an outlying mining district. As we were riding back towards
Globe we noticed a large crowd of men assembled a little way from
the trail under a big cottonwood tree, famous for years as the hang-
ing tree of Globe. This could mean only one thing in the Old West,
"It must be a hanging-bee," I said to Cunningham. "Have you
ever seen one?"

At his negative reply, we turned our horses and galloped towards
the lynchers. We arrived just as the victim was being cut down,
and to my horror I recognized in his distorted features the face of
the man with whom I had slept in the disputed bunk.

When we had returned to the tent-hotel I asked the landlady
whether she knew what had just been happening.

"Lord, yes !" She knew all about it. "That feller tried to hold up
the Wells-Fargo messenger a couple of nights ago, and shot and

78 Tne Autofciograpliy of Jorin Hays Hammond

killed the stage driver." I realized then why the bunk had not been
claimed until midnight, and that the lamb had truly invited the
lion to lie down with him.

As the lady of the tent concluded her brief and casual relation of
this not-unusual western episode, she turned from us into the kitchen,
whence issued sounds that to trained ears meant flapjacks for supper.
From Globe we took the stage for Tucson, then a center for min-
ing supplies and the only town of any importance in the territory.
With the exception of the adobe huts of the Mexican quarter, it
contained only a few brick buildings. Cunningham and I put up
at the Palace Hotel on the naive theory that even in the West this
name must somehow mean something. But with a caution also
western, I examined the bed before turning in, and found that I
was not to be the original user of the bedclothes. I went to the pro-
prietor and remonstrated with him at this secondhand condition.
He seemed very much surprised at my complaint, and without the
least affectation replied, "Well, your blood much be rich, if you ob-
ject to sleeping in a bed just occupied by a New York millionaire."
From Tucson our trail of inspection led to Tombstone already
a lively camp where great strikes had been made less than a year
before by the Schieffelin brothers, Edward L. and Albert E.

I listened eagerly while the brothers regaled me with the story of
how they had found a rich outcrop in the heart of the great desert,
sunk a shaft, and begun its development. While one of them de-
scended into the hole to pick away at the rock, the other remained
aboveground to haul up the bucket. Realizing their danger, alone
and far from any sort of community, with hostile Apaches near, they
agreed that if any Indians should appear while one man was down
the shaft, the other would not wait to haul him up but would run
for his life. If he escaped, he was to return and erect a tombstone
for his brother.

Fortunately, they were unmolested and succeeded in exploring
their rich find and establishing their claims. In memory of the
risks they had run, they put up a board on which they inscribed
TOAMSTON as the name of their mining claim.

Within four years over a thousand claims were being worked in
the immediate vicinity. When I saw the town at the end of 1879 it

TLe Bottom of tlie Ladder 79

was the richest mining camp in Arizona. In what seemed unending
streams, silver came pouring from gaping holes in the very streets.
One newspaper had been founded, but since there were already two
factions in the town, another journal was manifestly necessary. I
suggested to the prospective publisher and editor that he call it the
Tombstone Epitaph. He immediately accepted the idea and in grati-
tude sent me free copies of the paper for many years thereafter.

Every old Westerner of the seventies and eighties of the last cen-
tury will instantly recognize the name of Wyatt Earp, famed as
gunman in many an Arizona and Southwest fight. He came to
Tombstone in 1879 as deputy sheriff and so great was his proficiency
that within two months he became a United States deputy marshal.
His successful war with the tough Clanton outfit of cattle rustlers
showed that the citizens of Cochise County had not misplaced their
confidence. In addition to his duties as a peace officer, he rode shot-
gun for Wells, Fargo and Company and had an interest in the
Oriental saloon, where stakes were high and six-shooters always in
evidence.

Earp was not a gunman in the modern sense of gangster. The
passing years give different values to words and expressions. The
man whom the old frontier termed a gunman was one who fought
under a certain code: he never shot even an enemy in the back and
an unarmed man was perfectly safe with him. In those days, too,
there existed the type now termed gunman or gangster; they were
called killers and gun-notchers and were universally despised.

In all mining towns the saloons gready outnumbered the stores.
Every saloon had its green baize tables for faro, roulette, and poker;
stacks of variegated chips lay on every table, and a pale gambling
overseer in neat black clothes was seated impassively on a raised
platform dominating the room.

When the gold rush of 1897 to the Klondike started, Earp went
north. A prospector who had also gone to the Klondike told
me a story about Earp which not only gives a colorful picture of
early days, but is also an example of the stability of English law. The
latter is much less concerned with the picturesque than with the
enforcement of justice,
A day or so after his arrival, Earp strolled into a Dawson saloon.

80 The Autobiograpliy of Joka Hays Hammond

It was filled chiefly with Americans, many of them newcomers who
in frail boats through hundreds of miles of whirlpools and rapids
had followed the drifting, breaking ice of the Yukon. Having
finally reached this new and wonderful El Dorado, they felt that a
big celebration was indicated. Among these Chee-Chaw-Kas as
new arrivals were termed was a sprinkling of the old gun-toting
bad men. One of them, known as Tumbleweed Todd, was still
carrying his six-shooters under his mackinaw. After imbibing freely
on one occasion he became suddenly generous and offered to treat
the whole house. If any man refused to drink when invited (and
this rarely happened), it was a personal insult and often led to a gun
fight Nevertheless, among those who refused to drink in this
Dawson "Hell of Joy" were several Englishmen, who resented the
compulsory nature of the invitation.

Things had reached a critical and dangerous point when Earp en-
tered the room. He had faced many similar situations and quickly
realized the nature of the trouble. Stepping in front of the irate and
befuddled Tumbleweed, Earp said in a level tone, "I also refuse to
drink with any low-down sagebrush coyote like you." With a
mighty oath Tumbleweed started to draw his gun, but found his
gun hand locked in a steely grip while his bloodshot eyes looked
down the barrel of Earp's gun.

Thereupon a rather small man, in every way Earp's physical in-
ferior, detached himself from the crowd and tapped Earp on the
shoulder. He explained pleasandy enough that it was not permitted
in Dawson to carry pistols, and furthermore that it would be neces-
sary for Mr. Earp to appear at headquarters within half an hour
and hand over his weapon. It would be returned to him whenever
he should be ready to leave town.
The audacity of the action took Earp's breath away.
"And who the hell are you?" he asked.

The insignificant-looking man explained casually that he was in
command of the Northwest Mounted Police in Dawson. He did
not, he said, wish to have a scene in the barroom. Taking out his
watch, he added, apparently unconscious of the six-shooter still in
Earp's hand, "I shall expect you in thirty minutes meanwhile there
must be no shooting." Then he turned and walked out slowly.

Tke Bottom of tke Ladder 81

Earp returned his gun to its holster, and still holding the Chee-
Chaw-Ka's wrist, said in a voice which carried throughout the
room: "Tumbleweed, you long-eared ass of the desert, we're in
British territory. You don't seem to savvy what that means. You're
up against a game you can't beat any way from the ace. Listen!
You'd better go hand over your guns like the little fellow said; I'm
going to myself. If you don't, he and some more of his men will
round you up. You'll shoot their eyes out maybe. You're fast on
the draw. Then you'll have to get scarce. But every pass out of the
country will be blocked with more of them waiting for you. The
militia of Canada will be after you. You'll shoot all of them up too
maybe. The next news you'll get will be that the whole British
Army is steaming to Canada to pick you up.

"They'll not shoot you down on sight it's not their way. They
bring their prisoners to jail, these British. You'll get a perfectly fair
trial. And the next news about you won't interest you it'll be a
paragraph in the papers reporting that 'Tumbleweed, the gunman,
today expiated his crimes on the gallows.' I tell you this is Canada,
and it's also Great Britain and not the States. Now I'm going to
invite the whole house to drink with me and then you are going over
with me to turn in your artillery to that little sawed-off officer."
This time there were no refusals.

Lack of law enforcement is a far worse thing than lack of laws.
Our metropolitan towns of today and our western wilderness of
yesterday combine their annals in recording conclusively this truth.
Metropolitan crime statistics and the history of vigilance committees
prove it. In the cities feeble enforcement encourages, protects, and
multiplies our modern criminal population.

In these days of racketeering and kidnapping there has been much
public discussion about the cause and cure of crime and crime waves.
The explanation seems to me to be simple. There is no peculiar
criminality inherent in the American people: we are not very dif-
ferent from Canadians or Englishmen. Nor does the fault lie in the
leniency of our laws: our laws are quite as severe as those in other
countries, and there are many more of them. Our error lies in the
delay allowed in our judicial procedure, and the loopholes provided
by law for the escape of the criminal, aided by unscrupulous lawyers

82 Xne Automograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

and corrupt politicians. When the criminal is assured that appre-
hension is certain, and conviction quick and sure, he will be much
more reluctant than he now is about venturing into crime. The
celerity and sureness of English justice has been the object of my
admiration in Africa, and in Canada; and if we in America are
more crime-ridden than are people in those countries, it is our own
fault. In the wild West there was some excuse for the weakness in
the administration of governmental justice. Moreover, it is to the
lasting credit of the Westerners that, in the unsettled conditions pre-
vailing in the early days, they set up irregular courts that dealt out
punishment swiftly and without impediment of politics.

Some years after meeting Earp in Tombstone I encountered him
again at the Tonopah mine, of which I was consulting engineer.
Claim jumpers were making a good deal of trouble and he had
been installed as "caretaker." I introduced myself as one who had
seen him in Arizona in 1879, and told him I was glad to have so
capable a man attached to our interests.

"But," I warned, *Tm opposed to gun fighting over mining prop-
erty, IVe seen enough of that sort of thing and believe we are now
in a different and better era. Our ownership of this ground will be
established by a judicial decision in a trial now pending. Avoid
gunplay. I want you to promise me that you will not shoot except
in self-defense/'

He put out his hand and we shook on it, but in a hesitating way
he added, "Til go through with you on that, Mr. Hammond, but I
must be the judge of when the self-defense starts,"
I was prettily outplayed and admitted it.

Then Earp added characteristically, "However, Mr. Hammond,
I will let my opponent start the draw."

Fortunately we won our case, so that Earp did not have to make
that fine distinction between attack and self-defense.

Captain Bill MacDonald was another character who commanded
my admiration, though he differed in many particulars from the
Earp type. For many years MacDonald was captain of the Texas
Rangers. Moreover, he was on several occasions the hunting com-
panion of Theodore Roosevelt and I met him while he was visiting
the President at the White House. Subsequently, on Colonel House's

The Bottom of tie Ladder 83

recommendation, he became one of the bodyguard of President
Wilson.

Bill MacDonald was involved in many shooting scrapes in the dis-
charge of his duty. He seemed to have led a charmed life, and I
once commented on this to Colonel House, saying that MacDonald's
numerous escapes seemed incredible. Colonel House said he had
himself once asked Bill how he accounted for the fact that he was
still alive and how he had had the courage to face some of the
desperate criminals he had been obliged to arrest. Bill answered:
"It's not as difficult as it seems. I always had a psychological advan-
tage: I knew that no fellow in the wrong can stand up against a fel-
low in the right who shoots and keeps acoming."

It was while Cunningham and I were still in Tombstone that Jack
received his western baptism by fire. We were sitting about a table
in a saloon one night when shots were heard in the hall I dropped
instantly to the floor. When Jack leaned anxiously over me, think-
ing I had been wounded, I cried: "Lie down, Jack! Fm all right.
If you sit up you'll get hit!" Cunningham flattened himself out.
J?or a few minutes spurts of flame and the whizz and crash of bullets
made conversation difficult. Even after the row had quieted down,
it was only by exercising my strongest persuasive powers that I could
induce Jack to resume his normal upright position and have another
glass of beer.

At the end of my two finishing courses in Grass Valley and in
Arizona, I returned to San Francisco in an effort to find a paying
job as an engineer. My father suggested that I see an old friend of
the family who had lived near our house when I was a child. His
sons, my brother, and I had been intimate during our childhood,
but I had not seen this friend since my boyhood days. Through the
promotion of mining properties he had amassed what was consid-
ered in those days a large fortune, and he had, of course, a good deal
of influence in the mining world.

When I called upon this friend he asked me to dine with him and
his family. During dinner he spent much of his time trying to
impress upon me that I had made a great mistake in going to Frei-
berg; he claimed that engineers educated in the theory of mining

84 Tne Autobiography of Jonn Hays Hammond

had not been successful. He himself put more faith in the practical
man. In short, I gathered that he would not recommend me.

Bitterly disappointed over my failure to get a job, as well as at this
unfriendly attitude, I described the interview to my father. Al-
though he also was surprised and disappointed, he said little.

I learned afterwards that this friend, when a young man, had come
from Virginia to California with a letter of introduction to my
father. My father and the friend's brother had been at West Point
together and both had served in the Mexican War. He was greatly
desirous of securing a position which would enable him to bring
his fiancee, whom he had left in Virginia, to California. My father,
who was collector of the port of San Francisco, gave him an appoint-
ment in the Custom House, and this enabled him to marry soon
afterwards. My father realized that I was actuated by a similar
motive in my desire to find a position. I insisted, however, that I
was not discouraged, and that I was determined some day to prove
to this friend of the family he was wrong. I was determined to make
good. His rebuff was merely an added stimulus. Not long after-
wards this man lost his fortune on the advice to invest in properties
recommended by his "practical" mining expert.

I next went to Mr. George Hearst later Senator Hearst, another
friend of my father and head of the mining department of the power-
ful firm of Haggin, Tevis, and Hearst. Hearst and J. B. Haggin
were a remarkable pair of enterprising and daring capitalists. In
the later seventies and eighties they controlled the greatest mining
operations in America, including the Homestake in the Black Hills
of South Dakota, the Anaconda Copper in Montana, and the On-
tario Silver mine of Utah.

Expecting that family friendship, if nothing else, would procure
me a position, I confidently asked Mr. Hearst for a job. To my
amazement and chagrin he cheerfully declined even to consider me.
When I regained control of my voice I inquired somewhat shakily
why I was so firmly repulsed.

He replied frankly: "The fact of the matter is, Jack, you've been
to Freiberg and have learned a lot of damn geological theories and
big names for little rocks. That don't go in this country."

I asked whether he had any other objections.

Tke Bottom of the Ladder 85

"No," he answered, smiling. "Freiberg is enough."
"Well," I said, "I'll make a confession to you if you won't tell my
father. I didn't learn anything of importance at Freiberg."

"What!" ejaculated Mr. Hearst. "In that case you might come
around tomorrow and perhaps I can give you a job."

In this unorthodox fashion I secured a start in my profession. The
position itself was no sinecure. Not only did I have to assay ores;
I had also to build fires in the furnaces and crush the samples before
I could make the actual tests. This took my entire rime and energy
working at top speed from early in the morning until late in the
evening, for all of which I received the munificent compensation of
fifty dollars a month. However, it was a beginning. I left no stone
or rather, no oreunturned to win Mr. Hearst's regard and over-
come his scorn of my academic training.

After several months, I went to my employer, and told him what
responsible work I had been doing; I reminded him that he was
investing large sums of money in purchases of property based on the
reliability of my assays. I suggested that I had perhaps been over-
looked in the shuffle.

He assured me that, on the contrary, he had not forgotten me and
was especially pleased with what I had accomplished. "You've done
so well I'm making you mill superintendent at the Homestake."
This mill had just been completed and was the largest in the world.
I jumped at his offer and was prepared to go within a few days.

Then, quite by accident, on the very evening of my appointment,
I saw Gardner F. Williams, one of the leading mining engineers of
California, who was later to make a great reputation as the manager
of the famous diamond mines at Kimberley. He said he had just
received a letter from Clarence King, director of the United States
Geological Survey, asking him to recommend two or three young
engineers with technical training and some experience, to collect
statistics on the mining industry of the West.

He assured me that this was a great opportunity to widen my ex-
perience and to become a special expert in gold mining in California,
and strongly advised me to accept the offer. I replied regretfully
that I had just tied myself up with an engagement to George Hearst.
Williams suggested that I explain matters to Hearst; if he was really

86 JLne Autotiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

friendly to me, he would release me from my commitment. I fol-
lowed his advice and consulted my employer. I was not only advised
to accept the government position, but was congratulated on "the
opportunity of learning a lot at the expense of the government."

Under the Census Act of 1880, the special experts of the United
States Geological Survey were empowered to make detailed exami-
nation of such items as cost sheets and profits of the mines. This
new position gave me an opportunity to round out my knowledge
of mining operations with a study of the economics of mining.

As soon as I received my credentials I went by train to Carson
City, Nevada. From there I traveled by stagecoach to Bodie, Cali-
fornia. At that time eighteen years after the death of W. S. Body,
who had discovered the first rich gold deposit there this was a
booming mining camp. Body had been frozen to death immediately
following his discovery and but little development had been carried
on until 1878, when a rich strike of gold and silver brought a rush;
thousands of fevered miners poured into the camp with the usual
accompaniment of tinhorn gamblers and women of ill repute. A
year later Body was dug up and given a formal funeral, complete
with newspaper and oratorical eloquence.

When I saw the town in 1880, it had already established its repu-
tation for wickedness. The "Bad Man from Bodie" was not a fic-
titious character.

Carl P. Russell, of the National Park Service, tells the story which
may be believed or not of a little girl who, about to leave Truckee
for Bodie, prayed, "Good-by, God! I'm going to Bodie." So ran
the report in the Truckee newspaper, to which a Bodie paper replied -
that the punctuation was at fault what the child had said was,
"Good, by God! I'm going to Bodie."

On the morning of my arrival I was walking down the street,
when, without warning, the wooden arcades that lined the walks
to the hitching rack suddenly blazed with gunfire, and peaceable
citizens jumped for cover. In the exchange of shots a bystander
was inadvertently killed. A vigilance committee sat at once. The
trial was characteristically brief, the greater part of it being devoted
to a severe reprimand to the killer for his poor markmanship. With-
out further formalities they swung him from a tree. The vigilance

The Bottom of tke Ladder 37

committee thereupon drew up and affixed at the post office a notice
warning a dozen men of bad reputation to be out of town before
morning. When the sun rose not one of these was left, but there
were plenty of others.

The popular boast of Bodie inhabitants was that they "had a man
for breakfast every morning," As a newcomer, I was not inclined
to challenge this assertion, for during the first week of my stay
there were no less than eight killings. It was possible to shoot down
an enemy on the streets at any time in cold blood without inter-
ference by the authorities. Most of the slain could be well spared
from the community. Rarely was an unoffending citizen a victim;
the shootings were usually confined to the "bad men" themselves.

Strange as it may seem, there was at the time probably no other
part of the world where refined women were accorded the respect
they were shown in the West during these early days. Bodie was no
exception. Miners, gamblers, outlaws all of them discriminated
accurately between women of the streets and "real ladies." A re-
spectable woman could travel anywhere at any time without fear and
without need of protection, and invariably was treated courteously.
Since saloons were the general meeting places of the men of the
town, they were the scenes of a good many gun fights. There was
usually present at least one gun-notcher willing to accommodate any-
one who wished to try conclusions with him. I was not ambitious
to earn the reputation of being a better man than anyone else, so I
was never molested. As a matter of fact, I came to know and even
formed friendships with some regarded generally as outside the
pale of the less disreputable citizens of the mining camps.

My youth was often a handicap. This was especially apparent
whenever I joined a group of miners of the vintage of Forty-nine
gathered around the stove discussing geological theories of ore de-
posits, or some similar technical problem* I was, of course, anxious
to contribute my own ideas, but whenever the weight of die argu-
ment seemed to be going in my favor the discussion would drift to
the early days of California mining. With ill-concealed superiority,
one of the old pioneers would shift his quid and ask me in a patroniz-
ing way when I had arrived in California.
I had naturally taken advantage of every previous opportunity to

88 Xiie Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

make clear that I was not a newly arrived tenderfoot from the East,
but my youthful appearance confirmed the suspicions of unfriendly
critics that my mining experience had been brief. When I casually
mentioned the year 1855, ^ obvious skepticism of my hearers, them-
selves consummate liars, would force me into a feeble admission
that the date marked my first arrival anywhere. While it is true
that I was not an Argonaut, I have been argonauting ever since.
Horace Greeley said, "Go West, young man, and grow up with the
country." Since I was born as far west as possible in the United
States, I had to go east in pursuance of the activities of my profes-
sional career.

In 1880, Bodie was a town of some three thousand inhabitants,
with a continuous flow of population in and out, and was the center
for forty or more mines. My examination of the mines in this dis-
trict unfortunately showed that few of them could be worked profit-
ably, and that the majority would have to shut down. The stock
market gambling in mining shares was then at its height, and the
physical value in the mines themselves certainly did not warrant
current prices of stock. As a matter of fact, during the next year the
shares crashed and many of the mines were closed.

The Standard and the Bodie remained in operation and continued
to be profitable for several years after .they were combined in 1887.
Interest in this district was revived in 1929 and 1930 by the develop-
ment work undertaken by the Bunker Hill and Sullivan in the hope
of opening up other ore bodies. After the ill-advised expenditure
of considerable money this hope was definitely abandoned.

Although my predictions as to the district proved sound, I was so
young an engineer that I received little credence. Moreover, under
the government's promise, my report on values had to be kept secret.
If it could have been made public, the almost immediate proof of
the correctness of my valuation would have greatly contributed to
my reputation and success as an engineer.

It used to be the saying in the mining camps that when the saloons,
gamblers, and disreputable women began to move away, just as
rats are said to leave a sinking ship, it was an infallible indication
that the camp had seen its best days and prosperity was on the decline.
Then individual by individual, group by group, the miners would

Tke Bottom of tie Ladder 89

drift away as the ore bodies became exhausted. The romantic days
of the fever left as their only tangible record the empty frame of the
town. Transportation was too difficult and costly to make it worth
while to carry off the buildings, which remain even today in out-of-
the-way comers of mountain and desert mere shells of houses.
Here and there a dump of rusty cans, and empty whisky bottles, and
perhaps a dilapidated stamp mill help to carry out the illusion of a
naked skeleton.

Bodie is now, for the third time in its history, a ghost town. No
one has better explained the feeling of utter desertion than has Don
Blanding in the following lines:

The ghost-town's empty windows stare like

wistful eyes
Down streets where nothing moves save memories

and the wind.
When midnight comes to Sawdust Corner, eerie

cries
Ring out, recalling nights when rowdy sins were

sinned,
Bearded miners, seeking laughter and bright

lights
As well as liquor, flung gold nuggets on

the bars
For brief f orgetf ulness of lonely mountain

nights . * .
Their cries are only hoot-owls mocking at

the stars.

From Bodie, I proceeded to Mono Lake and then south to Mam-
moth, another center of mining excitement. The mines there also
proved of slight value, and I so informed the owners, naturally to
their disappointment. They had gone to the extent of erecting a mill
in anticipation of ore that existed in imagination only. The worth-
lessness of the enterprise was apparent to any trained engineer and
within a few months speculators and prospectors were moving on to
other fields. Today there is at Mammoth a summer camp for trout

90 Xne Autooiograpny of JoLn Hays Hammond

fishermen, while the crumbling timbers and rusted machinery of
the old mill are merely curiosities for the tourist.

In 1880 there were but two practicable passes by which I could re-
turn over the Sierra Nevada divide: Sonora Pass, forty or fifty miles
north, and Mammoth Pass. Both had been Indian trails to hunt-
ing and fishing grounds in the high mountains, but with the develop-
ment at Mammoth in 1879 the old trail was blazed and monu-
mented and made barely passable for pack animals between Mam-
moth and Fresno Flats. With guide and pack train I crossed the
divide to Red Meadows, then rode down the upper reaches of the
San Joaquin River to Little Jackass Meadow, and so came out on the
western foothills of the mountains and back to where the mines on
the Mother Lode were located. For nearly six months I wound my
way northward through the gold districts, on horseback or by buck-
board; in the hot months of summer moving in an enveloping
column of suffocating red dust; when colder weather came, lurching
through mudholes and snowdrifts.

The hardships of early mining trips through New Mexico, Arizona,
Nevada, and other parts of the West seetn incredible when compared
with the trips de luxe made by the present generation of mining
engineers. I recall one journey in the summer of 1885 into Death
Valley, where there was a mining prospect to be examined. We out-
fitted at Eureka, Nevada, and after a tedious journey of several days
in buckboards we reached the last place where pure drinking water
could be found. With four horses and a dead-ax wagon carrying
several barrels of water we started over the desert. The desert was
an oven, the trails were sandy and rocky, and our progress was
consequently slow.

When we finally reached the edge of Death Valley we were shown
a vein which had been represented as enormously rich. We found
nothing but a "stringer," or worthless vein. A fruitless expedition,
which now could easily be made by motor in ten hours, had con-
sumed two weeks of valuable time and considerable money. But I
had become accustomed to such disappointments.

Hotel accommodations were so scarce on these trips that I was
usually compelled to spend the night on the ground. It was essen-
tial, therefore, to keep in good physical condition. I have spent many

Tke Bottom of tLe Ladder 91

years of my life traveling on horseback, on skis, and in all sorts of
open conveyances. Many a time have I slept in the boot of a stage-
coach on the mail pouches, where, being short of stature, I could
curl up without discomfort.

One of the strange sights occasionally to be seen on the Arizona
desert in the seventies was a herd of genuine Arabian camels. They
had been imported just prior to the outbreak of the Civil War in an
endeavor, backed by Secretary of War Jefferson Davis, to improve
transportation in the desert sections of the Southwest. The under-
taking failed and the camels were finally let loose. For many years
they roamed the deserts of Arizona, causing as much consternation
to horse-drawn vehicles as later the automobile did when first intro-
duced on the roads. The last time I saw them was about 1880. I
understand that some time after that the manager of a circus rounded
up the survivors and shipped them east

I soon found that mine was not the only government survey being
conducted in the district. One stormy winter's night, after a hard
day's work underground, I drove into the livery stable at Jackson.
As I was putting up my horses, a young man dressed in the height
of English fashion asked somewhat skeptically whether I was Mr.
Hammond. I had on my mining clothes and certainly presented a
formidable appearance. I was covered with mud from head to foot.
After I had assured him that I was Mr, Hammond, he presented,
still somewhat doubting my identity, a letter from Clarence King,
asking me to render the bearer what assistance I could. This strip-
ling had been appointed to gather statistics on the "social*' aspects
of mining; that is, to get full information about the living conditions
of the miners, and to make notes of their experiences.

S, B was a young American of about eighteen, who had spent

most of his life in England. I could see at a glance that he was abso-
lutely green in the ways of western life. Since I was going to visit
a deserted mining camp the next day where he could get hold of
some old prospectors, I said he might go along. Accordingly, the next

morning B was on hand with detailed questionnaires, naively

devised by some greenhorn government official in Washington.

This seemed to me an ideal opportunity to play a joke which would
be harmless in effect, amusing to me, and above all educational for

92 Tne .Automograpliy of Jonn Hays Hammond

him. In every not yet completely abandoned gold camp there
usually remained a general store with a meager stock of groceries,
overalls, miners' picks, and a balance for weighing gold dust* In
these almost abandoned mining camps the one remaining saloon
was the gathering place for the few prospectors who, yet clinging
hopefully to the possibility of a strike, refused to leave the camp.

I explained that a saloon was a species of club for the miners, and

that the best approach for B was to walk in, go up to the bar, turn,

and say, "Gentlemen, the drinks are on me." At the same time I
warned him that he would probably find the men diffident at first,
but that their tongues might become loosened if he could only per-
suade them into drinking a little. I tipped off in advance a few of

the more responsive of the old-timers, telling of B 's mission and

that he wanted them to "talk quite freely of their experiences."

The first thing my tenderfoot protege learned was that the miners
displayed no hesitation whatsoever in accepting his invitation to
liquid refreshment; in fact, they nearly mobbed him in their rush

to the bar. In less than a minute the glasses were emptied. B

then went to work, most conscientiously asking the questions set
down in the printed forms supplied by the government.

"What is the most thrilling experience you ever had? What
famous mines did you discover?" Each inquiry seemed to offer
illimitable opportunities to these habitual romancers. After a few

days of hard work B returned to Jackson and showed me his

report. He had taken down in all seriousness every statement made,
and seemed inordinately proud of having collected important his-
torical data. He had a splendid collection of stories about fights
with Indians, grizzlies, mountain lions, and claim jumpers; of for-
tunes made and lost; of fabulously rich finds now being carefully
guarded from discovery by anyone else. The only point that seemed
to trouble him at all was the great number of men who claimed to
have discovered the Comstock Lode and then to have been cheated
out of a fair share in their ownership.

After I had gone over the statements with him and pointed out
their discrepancies and absurd exaggerations, I told him he had been
thoroughly taken in; that all his stuff would have to be destroyed;
that he would have to make a fresh start, working from the funda-

Tlie Bottom of tlie Ladder 93

mental principle that any prospector, however picturesque, could

shame Ananias himself. Poor B was much crestfallen, but went

to work. I heard later that he had been given another government
position which he filled with credit.

While examining -the mines near Coloma, on my journey north,
I heard that James Marshall was living in a shack near the scene of
the great discovery he had made on Sutter Creek thirty-one years
before. Having lost or dissipated whatever fortune he had made in
the diggings, he was now leading a miserable existence; he was
poor, filthy, and drunken. I hunted him up and promised him a
bottle of red-eye if he would stay sober long enough to point out
the exact location of his find. He agreed, and the following day
took me to the site of the mill race in which, on that famous day
of 1849, he had first seen the yellow specks of gold. He did not know
whether there was any gold left there, but thought it quite possible
as the first miners had possessed little patience and were inclined to
abandon their first diggings to rush up or down the stream to any
more likely-looking location. Much interested in this opinion, I
took my miner's pan and, after prospecting around for about an hour,
washed perhaps a quarter of an ounce of gold from the gravel,
enough for a certain wedding ring I wanted.

Marshall seemed glad to talk to me about his troubles. He railed
at the state legislature which had refused to continue his pension.
Merely from sentiment he had been allowed a hundred dollars a
month for four years, 1874-1878, and then in a fit of economy the
payments had been discontinued. The old man, quite soured in dis-
position, shiftless, and broken, was living on charity. For him the
golden find had not turned out to be a lucky one although a tardy
government finally erected a monument to him, many years after
his death,

To his employer also, the fine old Sutter, the discovery had brought
tragedy. I remember seeing him once on a San Francisco street car.
My father pointed him out to me and then introduced me to him.
He was a broken man, although in Forty-nine he had owned two
Mexican grants of land, comprising six hundred tEousand acres of
fields and vineyards, together with mills, workshops, stock, and fine
horses. Though he himself had had no interest in the gold, he had

94 The Autobiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

been kind and generous in his hospitality to the ruthless gold-seekers.
They had swept in upon him like swarming locusts laying waste his
beautiful estate* He was now without an acre, although the recipient
of a pension of three thousand dollars a year from the state. All he
wanted, however, was his land; and his land he never recovered.

By pushing my work of mine examination at terrific speed I com-
pleted it within six months. There was then little sentiment in
favor of surrendering the secrets of mining operations. The western
mining man had learned the lesson of self-reliance in a hard school
'Although inclined to bristle with suspicion when I began to ask
questions, he would usually furnish the information freely when
assured that it would be treated as confidential. As a matter of fact,
I had the authority to demand the statistics, but I preferred to have
them furnished willingly. Much of the required data, of course, I
could collect through my own unaided observation.

With few exceptions I examined and reported on all the gold
mines quartz and gravel from Fresno to Sierra County. I valued
gready the opportunity to keep in touch with mining prospects and
to watch their subsequent development. I made a practice of re-
visiting those which, at the time of my first visit, I considered of
potential value. By checking up on my judgment I acquired a cer-
tain hunch-sense, known among mining men as "a nose for a mine,"
This is a practice that I heartily recommend to younger generations
of mining engineers.

After a long day in the mines I would set off for my next desti-
nation, many times on lonely trails through the mountains and not
always certain of the right path. But these lonely rides were not
without compensation. At the trail's end, usually at three or four
in -the morning, I would find a warming brew of coffee, a steaming
plate of ham and eggs, and a welcome bunk in the cabin of some
hospitable prospector.

CHAPTER SIX
GoU

HOPEFUL BILL AND HIS "PIDUS ACHATES*'
THE GREAT HORN SPOON THE GRUBSTAKE
ENTER THE PROMOTER THE DISTRIBUTION
OF GOLD WHERE WILL WE FIND MORE GOLD?

-o write of mines and mining
^ without mentioning the pros-
pector would be like writing a treatise on mathematics without using
the multiplication table. A strange and solitary figure, the prospector
has been the advance guard of the engineer on every frontier of the
world. In the Arctic his dog team was the first to cross the glacier,
and he was the first to follow in frail craft the breaking ice to the
tundras of the north. In tropical jungles, his machete blazed the
first white man's trail. In the far deserts of Australia and Africa
his silent-treading camel was first to arrive at the new El Dorado.
Prospectors were in the vanguard of the pioneers of civilization. Like
other artists, they were born; mining schools seldom produced them.
Nor did they come from any single walk of life. Seldom did they have
their origin in the big city; ordinarily they were the children of the
open spaces.

A great majority of the gold mines in the United States have been
discovered not by the mining geologist, but by the "honest'' pros-
pector accompanied by his fidus Achates and collaborator, the burro.
In this category fell that romantic figure "Hopeful" Bill. He started
with a scanty food supply of bacon, sow belly, saleratus, flour, a sack
of beans, some coffee, and a bottle of red-eye. A mere glance at this
provision list will show why Hopeful Bill and his fellow thaumatur-

96 Xne Autooiograpny of John Hays Hammond

gists were usually dyspeptic. To these culinary items were added the
essential tools of his art: pick, shovel, gold pan, canteen, and, last
but not least, the great horn spoon, which was merely the hollow
half-section, carved lengthwise, of a cow's horn. This grubstake Bill
secured from some confiding individuals, who, in return, were to
have, if and when a mine was discovered, an interest in the property.

Hopeful Bill, with his inseparable and faithful mongrel trotting
by his side, was now ready to head his burro on the outtrail to some
yet unconquered field. The trip as a rule was long and arduous.
Water was scarce, often alkaline, and never enough to satisfy his al-
most unquenchable thirst, aggravated by the salt sow belly and the
dry saleratus bread. Unmindful of hardship, Hopeful Bill toiled on
towards the rainbow's end.

He first searched for gold along the countless dry ravines and
canyons where he hoped to find float rock, fragments of rock con-
taining gold. If Bill was fortunate enough to discover float rock,
he crushed it with his pole pick on a flat stone and carefully shook
about half a pound of powdered rock into the spoon. Then pouring
water from his canteen into the gold pan, with a dexterous motion
of the wrist he stirred the spoon under the water, and by washing
away the powdered quartz recovered the particles of gold. An expert
prospector could detect a single particle as small as the point of a fine
needle. Through long usage the great horn spoon became the acid
test for native gold and led to the use of the famous oath, "I swear
by the great horn spoon."

Now if Bill found gold in the float rock, he began then to search
for its origin in the veins and lodes farther up the ravines. Some-
times this was the labor of months, necessitating countless testing
holes and trenches. The mother lode from which the gold had been
originally eroded might be miles away. But at last Bill found an
outcrop which showed gold. He then took samples of ore to the
nearest assayer; if of sufficient value per ton, he was able to induce
his grubstake backers to finance him in sinking his shaft to a depth
of a hundred feet or more. The ore thus recovered was hoisted to
the surface by a windlass and piled on the dump for future treatment.
Should the prospect still look favorable, he would go for more
ipital with which to erect a small hoisting engine. This would

cai

Gold 97

enable him to sink his shaft to a depth of two or three hundred feet
and by drifts or levels to ascertain the extent of the ore-bearing vein.

If again he was fortunate enough to find a valuable ore body, he
went in search of still more capital. This is where the promoter
appeared, and the prospect henceforward was called a mine a name
for the promoter to conjure with. After developing the mine to
greater depth and after more extensive drifting, a small mill was
erected to crush the ore and to extract the gold. If this again proved
profitable, a mining boom began and other prospectors, backed by
yet more capital, started energetic prospecting and development upon
the extension of the discovery vein or upon other veins in what had
by this time become a mining district.

It was now the day of the engineer. Great stamp mills thundered
night and day for months or years until at last the ore bodies petered
out, the noise and hubbub ceased, and the population moved on to
new fields.

But long before this, in the days of the first promotion, Hopeful
Bill had sold his interests for a modest sum, and with a new outfit
trekked to some distant corner of the earth, obsessed by the desire
for new discoveries.

The burro, camel, dog team, and pack horse have been largely
superseded today* Planes drone their way over the wildernesses of
Canada and the tropical jungles of New Guinea, carrying the de-
scendants of Hopeful Bill, still buoyed up by unending faith and in-
difference to dangers and privations. So it has always been, from
the days of Jason and the Golden Fleece to this hour.

Mark Twain has described a mine as "a hole in the ground owned
by a liar." If anyone should attempt to apply this definition to my
friend, Hopeful Bill, I would challenge the characterization. Dis-
honesty usually entered with the promoter after the prospector had
passed out of the picture. Hopeful Bill, it is true, was not disposed
to minimize the value of the property he sold to the promoter. But
his knowledge of mining values was strictly empirical and he should
not be blamed for the promoter's overvaluation of the property.

An unscrupulous promoter once asked me to suggest a name for
a certain mine not far from Tonopah, Nevada, which he was about
to sell to the public. I told him it should be called Caveat Emptor*

98 TLe AutooiograpLiy of Join Haya Hammond

Much puzzled at this unorthodox tide, he asked me what it meant.
I explained that it was one of King Solomon's mines, which answer
seemed to satisfy him perf ecdy f or the moment at least.

The following incident, true as well as amusing, illustrates the
relations between prospector and promoter. Jeflf Clark, recognized
for his honesty and unquenchable optimism, was one of the promi-
nent mining promoters of our Northwest and was so liberal in grub-
staking that he was regarded by prospectors as an easy mark. On
one occasion he was approached and asked for a grubstake by Hope-
ful Bill, who said, "Jeff, you know I've a great nose for a mine,
and . . .

"How much are you going to strike me for this time ?" interrupted
Jeff, who was relatively prosperous at the moment.

"Well," said Bill, "I am sinking on a vein near here, and so help
me God I'm within three feet of a million dollars. Now, if I had
only two hundred and fifty dollars . . *"

The money was immediately forthcoming, and for several weeks
Jeff did not see Bill again. Then one day he spied him in the dis-
tance on a street in Tonopah. Bill saw Jeff at the same moment and
in evident embarrassment started to quicken his pace. Jeff soon
overtook him, however, tapped him on the shoulder, and asked,
"Bill, how's that mine of ours?"

"Well," replied Bill, "last time I saw you, Jeff, I told you I was
within three feet of a million dollars, didn't I?"
"You sure did."

"Now, Jeff, I'm gonna be honest with you and I'm telling the
truth. So help me God, I don't think I'm within a million feet of
three dollars!"

This story is not only a good illustration of the vicissitudes of
miners, it once served equally well as my answer to the question,
"Do you believe prosperity is just around the corner?"

It was not always the promoter who got the better of the bargain
in dealing with Hopeful Bill. In his peregrinations Bill once landed
in London and brought his prospect to Eugene de Crano, a col-
league of mine representing the Rothschilds* mining interests there.
After waiting several months to get a directors' decision, de Crano

HOPEFUL BILL

AT THE BUNKER HILL MINE, IDAHO, IN THE EIGHTIES

Gold 99

finally announced to him, "Bill, we have decided to purchase your
property."

"O. K.," replied Bill. "You'll make a good thing out of it. You
don't think eight thousand's too much, do you?"

"No," agreed de Crano, "we think it's a good prospect. If you'll
wait a few minutes I'll give you a check for it."

De Crano disappeared into an inner office, from which he emerged
to hand Bill a slip of paper. Bill's startled eyes descried the words
eight thousand pounds instead of the eight thousand dollars he had
had in mind. Barely taking time to mumble 'Thank you," he
hastened in the direction of the nearest bank to convert into actuality
this unlooked-for bonanza.

De Crano for his part disappeared again into his inner office,
equally pleased with what he considered an advantageous bargain.

Hopeful Bill belongs to all nations and to all times. Driven by
this auri sacra fames, this thirst for gold, throughout the centuries
he has crossed all seas and circled all continents. Many people have
tried to account for the overwhelming allure that has tempted him
ever farther and farther. They have stressed the beauty of gold, its
malleability, the ease with which it is extracted and refined, its non-
corrosive qualities, and its rarity. These explanations are not entirely
satisfactory. Gold has a human appeal far deeper than any physical
quality inherent in it as a metal. The golden ornaments of the
ancient world were beautiful and malleable and rare, but above all
else they meant wealth. They signified freedom from menial toil,
they represented social distinction, power, influence, and prestige.
Gold furnished a firm foundation for fortune. In time, in die form
of coin it came to symbolize in more convenient shape the posses-
sion of wealth. It had become more than a precious metal; it was a
medium of exchange between individuals and nations. Now in the
great vaults of the treasuries of the world in New York, Paris, Lon-
don gold has been gathered together in fabulous quantities and
there lies sequestered as an international commodity to form the
monetary basis of currencies. Once more, as in the millennia before
Christ, gold is used chiefly in the fine arts.

As a result of the active progress of archaeological exploration in
recent years, large quantities of gold ornaments, many of great artis-

100 Tne Autobiograpliy of Jokn Hays Hammond

tic excellence, have been found among the excavated ruins of ancient
civilizations, widely scattered geographically. Gold beads have been
recovered which date back as far as 5000 B. c. An edict of Menes
(circa 3800 B. c.) contains the first written mention of gold: it
declares that the ratio between gold and silver should be 2% to i.
But the mines from which the precious metal for these objects had
been obtained have been abandoned for centuries, and even the sites,
with rare exceptions, have been lost from the memory of man.

Nevertheless, it has been determined that much of Egypt's gold in
the days of the Pharaohs was derived from the Assouan region of
Nubia lying between the Nile and the Red Sea. Subsequently these
same mines furnished a large portion of the revenue of the Ptolemies.
This gold was produced by slave labor working under appalling con-
ditions. The recent discovery of Tutankhamen's tomb, with its
fabulous golden sarcophagus and its golden ornaments, indicates, as
T. A. Rickard states in his interesting book, Man and Metals, that
the cumulative efforts of countless thousands were required to pro-
duce the funeral equipment of one man.

Other sources of ancient gold were discovered by me in Matabele-
land and are discussed in a later chapter.

It is estimated that the total production of gold in the world, since
the discovery of America in 1492, is one billion ounces, valued at
twenty billion dollars. About half of this has been produced since
1848, The Transvaal, Australia, the United States, Canada, and Rus-
sia combined have contributed more than one-half of the total Since
a large part of the gold has been used in the arts or lost, about ten
billion dollars remain as the monetary basis of the currency of the
world.

If all this gold were melted in one huge lump, it would make a
cube of solid gold measuring thirty-eight and a half feet. But to ex-
tract this relatively small amount of metal from the auriferous gravels
and gold-bearing veins it was necessary to mine, as a conservative
estimate, enough earth, gravel, and rock to cover the fourteen
thousand acres of Manhattan Island to a depth of three hundred feet.

It was on his second voyage that Columbus carried back to Spain
the first gold from the Americas, which he had obtained in the north-

Gold 101

ern part of Santo Domingo. Even today natives occasionally extract
nuggets of gold from the same placer deposits.

The date of the first actual discovery of gold in the territory com-
prising the United States is not positively known. In 1513 Ponce de
Leon, while seeking the elusive fountain of youth in what is now
Florida, heard rumors of the existence of gold to the north; about
fourteen years later Narvaez saw gold in the possession of the Indians,
who indicated that it came to them from far in the interior. Over
three-quarters of a century later, in 1608, the first Virginians, accord-
ing to their instructions, looked for gold and discovered a bank of
dirt in which were embedded countless yellow particles. Madly
abandoning all more practical preparations for the coming winter,
the colonists collected a cargo of the rock to send to London. The
sad news ultimately came back that the apparently valuable ore was
nothing but iron pyrites, or fooFs gold. The coop of turkeys, which
went by the same boat and were the first to reach Europe, was a far
mere valuable present to the Old World from the New.

North and South Carolina began to produce gold in small amounts
late in the eighteenth century, and gold was discovered in Georgia
in 1829. These were very small deposits, however, and the total pro-
duction of gold in the United States before Marshall's California
strike of 1848 was worth only the relatively insignificant sum of
twenty million dollars.

Although there still exist gold-bearing veins in many parts of the
eastern states, with few exceptions it is not possible to operate them
at a profit. Near the city of Washington, for example, shafts have
been sunk along the highway to Great Falls on the Potomac, These
have reached well-defined quartz veins which occasionally produce
fine specimens of .gold, but the cost of obtaining the metal is prohibi-
tive.

The West has been the real source of the United States' gold
supply. It was fortunate that Marshall's discovery of gold was made
after California came into the possession of our country. Had it
been discovered earlier, there would have been an inevitable con-
flict between the United States and other nations for the territory.

The principal gold-mining districts of California extend along the
western slope of the great Sierra Nevada Mountains at an altitude

102 The Autooiograpliy of Jokn Hays Hammond

above sea level of from a few hundred feet to upwards of eight or
ten thousand feet. The auriferous gravels the placer deposits, as
the miners called them were developed first. The gold-bearing
constituents of these gravels had come from the gradual disintegra-
tion of gold veins or lodes by atmospheric agencies and by erosion.
The resulting debris had been continuously carried downstream and
deposited along gulches, bars, and flats. The first mining of these
gravel deposits by rockers, long toms, and sluices was of a most
primitive character. Gold in gravel deposits occurred usually in fine
particles, sometimes so infinitesimal that several hundreds of the
gold flakes were worth only one cent. The size of the nuggets in
the gravels varies from a fraction of an ounce to several pounds.

Occasionally much larger nuggets have been discovered elsewhere
in the world, the most famous of these being the Welcome Stranger
from Moliagul, Victoria, Australia, which had a gross weight of
2520 ounces, contained 2284 ounces of gold, and was worth approxi-
mately fifty thousand dollars.

In 1854 a mass of gold weighing 2440 troy ounces and valued at
forty-five thousand dollars was found near the outcrop of a vein on
the Mother Lode at Carson Hill, California. Nuggets with a value
of several hundred dollars have frequently been found in California.
It was in pursuit of gravel-mining operations that gold was even-
tually discovered in situ, that is, in the quartz veins or lodes. In the
last several decades the bulk of California gold has been obtained
from these quartz veins, although an appreciable amount still comes
from the operation of gold dredges on the flats and along the river
courses where the original Argonauts operated.

From a production of two hundred and forty-five thousand dol-
lars in 18485 the gold output of California rapidly increased until
the banner year of 1852 when it reached the enormous figure of
eighty-one million dollars. From that time production. greatly de-
clined, until by 1913 it had fallen off to about ten million dollars
annually. The grand total of gold produced in California from 1848
to 1932 is estimated at one billion eight hundred million dollars.

^Following the discovery of gold in California, gold-mining dis-
tricts were developed in many other parts of the territory west of the
Mississippi River. Among the famous gold-mining camps in the

Gold 103

i86os was the Cooastock Lode in Nevada, the ore from which car-
ried about forty-five per cent in gold and fifty-five per cent in silver.
After attaining a depth of thirty-three hundred feet, the operations
ceased to be profitable and were for the time abandoned, having
produced roughly nearly four hundred million dollars, almost half
of which was gold.

Three years after the California gold rush, a prospector named
Hargraves went to New South Wales. Impressed by the similarity
of the outcrops there to those he had seen in California, he tested a
few specimens and found them rich in gold. Since that date Aus-
tralia has contributed three and a quarter billion dollars to the world's
gold supply. The rate of production declined rapidly, but in recent
years, owing to the appreciation of gold, mining activity has been
revived and Australia is again becoming an important factor in the
world's gold production.

Although gold was discovered in Alaska in 1880, its major output,
amounting to nearly four hundred million dollars, did not begin
until the Alaska gold rush in 1898. Here, too, the production has
recently fallen off considerably.

Russia also has been one of the important gold fields of the world.
During the past two hundred years it has yielded about one billion
eight hundred million dollars, or almost the same amount as the
State of California produced from 1848 to 1932.

The great source of gold in recent years has been the Witwaters-
rand of the South African Transvaal. Out of the average world pro-
duction of four hundred million dollars during this period, it has
supplied virtually one-half.

Economists have long been concerned about the future gold sup-
ply. This is, indeed, of more than academic interest. Whether the
present supply is to be maintained, increased, or diminished is of
supreme economic importance. Five years ago the Economic Coun-
cil of the League of Nations, recognizing the grave danger attached
to a static or declining gold production, appointed a special commit-
tee to investigate this vital question. Late in 1930 this committee
reported that, except in the improbable event of new and large gold
fields being discovered, "gold production would start to decline
about 1934, and would by 1945 be greatly reduced/'

104 Tne Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

My own conclusions are in line generally with this report, al-
though I do not anticipate any such rapid decrease in gold produc-
tion in the near future. On the contrary, a temporary increase is
not improbable as a result of the increased price of gold in terms of
dollars. This opinion is based on examinations made under my
direction, supplemented by reports of my confreres. These cover
nearly every part of the habitable globe, not of course in detail, but
in sufficient scope to warrant the opinion that there exist no new
potential fields to furnish a supply of gold commensurate with re-
quirements even in the near future.

It is true that the increased price of gold from $20.67 to the present
fluctuating price somewhere in the neighborhood of $35.00 will re-
sult in the extraction of ore bodies of lower grade than previously
could be mined profitably. This will give longer life to many gold
mines, but even then the gold output will not amount to the econo-
mists' estimate of the annual increase in producion of three per cent
required to meet the demands of future expansion in industry and
commerce unless the price of gold is enhanced and maintained by
governmental decree.

As before mentioned, the mines of the Transvaal now produce
about one-half of the world's gold supply. Mining engineers
familiar with operations in that field are not only of the opinion that
the peak of its capacity has been nearly reached, but they think that
in the future there will be a marked decrease in its gold output.
More roseate predictions have recently come from the Transvaal
based on the possibility of extended ore deposits. Although these
may indicate the opening of an important, newly discovered gold-
bearing area, as yet there is no substantial basis for assuming that
these discoveries indicate that the life of the district is to be long
extended.

There is one further source of gold which offers potentialities of
tremendous import. It has been estimated that the oceans of the
world contain a gold supply equivalent to about fifty million dol-
lars for each person of the two hundred billion population of the
world. However, all attempts thus far to extract the gold at a profit
have failed.

Analyses' of sea water always reveal traces of gold. The largest

Gold 105

percentage amounts to only four grains to the ton of water, which
was obtained from great depths in the Atlantic. As an exception,
however, gold to the extent of eleven milligrams per metric ton, or
roughly seven cents per ton, has been found in the waters of the Bay
of San Francisco. Sea water from the coast of New South Wales
has been estimated to contain from one-half to one grain of gold (two
and a half to five cents) per ton.

In the iSpos with Dr. A. von Gernet, a distinguished Russian
metallurgist, I conducted a series of investigations off the coast of
South Africa, not far from Cape Town, to determine the gold con-
tent of sea water at that place. Although we used automatic machin-
ery in so far as possible, the amount of gold we recovered was far
below that requisite for economic production.

Sea water contains many minerals in addition to gold. A plant
has been erected recently in the mouth of the Cape Fear River in
North Carolina for the commercial extraction of bromine from sea
water. The chemist of the company owning the plant has stated
that "while the gold in sea water is present to the extent of but a few
parts per billion" he does not regard it beyond reason to expect the
chemists of the next decade to extract gold commercially from sea
water. This possibility remains so far distant in the fields of con-
jecture that it will offer no deterrent to the current development of
the world's gold-mining industry or discourage the gold-mining
engineer.

CHAPTER SEVEN
OU Mexico

A SHAVE, A HAIRCUT, AND A WEDDING
TRIP CHANCE TAKES ME TO MEXICO
BY STAGECOACH, SAILBOAT, HORSEBACK.

''IRISH DIVIDENDS'' TRAINING MY
BODYGUARD BESIEGED AT MINAS

NUEVAS FRANK AND DUTCH JOHN

fter finishing my gold mine ex-
_ - animation for the Geological
Survey, I went to Virginia City, Nevada, and submitted the report
to Dr. George F. Becker, who was Clarence King's western repre-
sentative and was at that time making a geological examination of
the Comstock Lode. Becker complimented me on the fact that I
had covered so much territory in such a short time. He well knew
the reason for my expeditiousness; the sooner I finished, the sooner
I could be married.

Without waste of time I set out for Hancock, Maryland, where
my bride-to-be was staying with her married sister. In Chicago
Ned Ryerson and Jim Houghteling, whom I had not seen since the
old Yale days, took me in hand and helped select a ready-made dress
suit and other necessary apparel. I reached Hancock the evening
of December 30, 1880, and immediately went looking for a barber
to remove my Forty-niner's beard. The only one I could find was a
negro, who, except for the fact that he was just recovering from
delirium tremens, was very highly recommended.

The barber was obviously shaky, but I had no alternative. The
beard had to be removed. Laying down a five-dollar bill, I put on

106

Old Mexico 107

my fiercest expression and said, "Jim, here's five dollars for you if
you'll give me a haircut and a shave without cutting me, but if you
so much as scratch me with your razor, I'll . . ." with a significant
movement towards my hip. Either the promise or the threat steadied
him long enough to perform the operation satisfactorily. When the
story came out later in a New York paper Jim was said to have fainted
as his fingers closed on the bill, but as to that I cannot say I was
already on my way down the street.

On January i, 1881, Natalie Harris and I were married. We went
at once to Washington, where General Sherman had secured rooms
for us at army rates at the best hotel, a delicate attention which I
much appreciated. James G. Elaine was also very kind to us, as
were many friends of our families then resident in the Capital.

The high point of our stay was a dinner given us at the White
House by President Rutherford B. Hayes, who had been entertained
in California the year before by my father. Mrs. Hayes was a strict
teetotaler and never allowed liquor to be served in the White House
though the President at times was slightly humid. The only
relief to her perfectly dry dinners was the appearance of the rum-
flavored water ice called Roman punch, which came on about the
middle of the meal and contained a generous quantity of the liquor.
A hardened old senator once named it "the life-saving station.'*
Mrs. Hayes was kept in ignorance of the wicked properties of her
Roman punch, for the butler always served her a specially prepared
and innocuous mixture. William M. Evarts, the secretary of state,
said that at the White House banquets during the Hayes administra-
tion "water flowed like champagne."

My youngest sister, Betty, then at boarding school in New York,
visited the White House later and found the presidential family most
kind and amiable. Fanny Hayes, about the same age as my sister,
blithely accepted her as a companion. Betty was escorted from her
school to the President's private car by General Alexander McDowell
McCook, military aide to President Hayes. During the journey to
Washington a newsboy brought in a copy of ?uc\, which nearly
always contained cartoons of the President This number showed a
highly colored cover picture which Betty felt sure must prove abso-
lutely devastating to each and every Hayes, but to her surprise both

108 Tne Automograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

the President and his wife laughed heartily and seemed actually to
enjoy the jokes on themselves.

Life at the White House in those days was extremely simple. Since
Garfield was coming into office the next month, the Hayes family
were entertaining for the last time a few of their friends from Ohio.
The household breakfasted together, President and Mrs. Hayes almost
always appearing. After breakfast it seemed the established custom
for visitors to stroll sedately through the conservatory until sum-
moned upstairs to the President's study, where he and Mrs. Hayes
read prayers and a chapter from the Bible. From then on, entire
freedom was the order of the day.

Betty enjoyed herself greatly. She took an artless delight in jogging
around Washington in hired "herdics" those quaint little con-
veyances named for their designer, Peter Herdic. Another of her
favorite sports, in which the youngest of the Hayes boys sometimes
deigned to join, was sliding down the banister of one long flight of
stairs. On Saturday night everybody played hide and seek the
President and Mrs. Hayes and all the family and guests.

Fanny Hayes was extremely reluctant to leave the White House
and my sister recalled very well her remark, delivered with a huge
sigh, "Well, soon Molly Garfield will be prancing around here."
My bride and I went from Washington to New York where we
were shown gratifying attention by more of our friends. It was at
a dinner party for us given by D. O. Mills that he announced the
engagement of his charming daughter to Whitelaw Reid. Then I
had to go back to California and resume work*

While in New York I had met Alexander W. Stoddard, later one
of my good friends. On the recommendation of his nephew, he had
invested heavily in a mine and afterwards had become uneasy about
it. ^ He commissioned me to make an examination for him on my
arrival in California, and considerately offered payment in advance.
The commission I accepted eagerly, but the payment, I told him, I
would not feel justified in taking. Although I needed the money
badly, since wedding trips are expensive, I considered it bad policy
to be paid before I had actually earned the money.

Immediately upon reaching San Francisco I went to Grass Valley
where the mine was located. I made the examination, wrote my

Old Mexico 109

report, and handed a copy to Mr. Stoddard's nephew. He read it
carefully and then said: 'Tour report is not very complimentary to
me. You make me out either a damn liar or a damn fool; which
is it?"

I replied, "You've read it you ought to be able to decide for
yourself."

When Alexander Stoddard received the report, he paid me the
kind of compliment most pleasing to an engineer: "Hammond can
be neither bluffed, bamboozled, nor bought."

And so I felt I had earned the promised five hundred dollars, my
first fee as a mining expert.

During the first half of 1881, 1 was kept profitably employed mak-
ing examinations of mines in California, Nevada, and Arizona* In
the fall I succeeded in securing a position with the Vigorite Powder
Company for which my brother Harry had just won an important
lawsuit. As their consulting engineer I learned much about the use
of various kinds of explosives and costs of manufacture. Among
other things, I discovered that the majority of mining companies
were using powder containing too high a percentage of nitro-
glycerine, which increased the cost of blasting; also that high-grade
explosives were not as efficient in mining certain classes of veins as
were those of Ipwer grade. The use of this knowledge later effected
a considerable saving in the cost of explosives in mines in which I
was interested.

For a beginner I had had great luck so far. Now, the word "luck'*
may seem a peculiar one to use in connection with a profession
relying so largely upon scientific method and exactness. These, of
course, are fundamental requisites, but the element of luck or fate,
or whatever it may be called does play an important part in any
individual's life. This same element of chance brought me to Mexico
early in my career.

Certain American mining investors had decided to seek out oppor-
tunities across the border, disregarding the shifting character of the
Mexican governments, which, despite the ability of Benito Juarez
and Porfirio Diaz, were on the whole weak and disorderly. This
well-known group of mining engineers included Henry and Louis
Janin, who had been at Freiberg about ten years ahead of me. They

110 The Automograpky of Jokn Hays Hammond

had purchased a mining property known as Minas Nuevas, a few
miles from the town of Alamos in the State of Sonora. Through
Louis Janin I was offered, in 1882, the managership of this property.
Since reports of the manager of the mine had been most f avorable,
this seemed a chance for me to make a reputation through the suc-
cessful handling of a valuable mining property. Furthermore, I
should be able to see for myself what opportunities might exist in
Mexico. I knew that the country itself was still almost inaccessible,
and the political conditions were chaotic. After one term President
Diaz had been obliged to give way to Gonzalez: the constitution of
the moment forbade consecutive terms. During this interregnum
I should inevitably be exposed to real personal danger as well as
physical discomfort, I did not mind this half so much as I did the
necessity of leaving my family behind,, although I knew young engi-
neers had to endure such separations. After considering the proposal
from all these angles, the business prospects still remained alluring,
and I accepted.

In April, 1882, our son Harris was christened by Bishop Kip, who
had also officiated at the wedding of my mother and father. A few
hours after the christening I left San Francisco by train for Tucson,
my point of departure for Mexico.

From Tucson there stretched before me a trip of several hundred
miles to Guaymas, Sonora, the greater part of which had to be made
by stagecoach. The first news which greeted me as I stepped from
the train at Tucso^was that the stages had been obliged temporarily
to stop running because of recent activities of the murderous Apache
who roamed about Arizona. Soon the route was judged safe or as
safe as it was likely to be for some time to come and a small party
of us set forth for Hermosillo.

Opposite me in the stage sat a wounded Indian not an Apache,
The poor fellow had been a workman in the construction of the
railroad which was being carried on from Tucson to Guaymas, and
had had his hands badly mutilated by a premature blast. With his
hands in splints and fastened across his breast he was absolutely
helpless. My fellow travelers and I took turns giving him food and
from time to time pouring a little water into his mouth.

Old Mexico 111

During the course of the day an American drummer, who was
already intoxicated when we left Tucson, became more and more of
a nuisance. He was cheeky and offensive in his language and he
enraged me by tormenting the poor Indian. By the time we stopped
late in the afternoon to change horses, the limits of my patience had
been reached and I made him get out and sit on top of the coach,
using a pistol as the most persuasive argument. He took his bottle
with him. As we drove along it became increasingly evident that
the drummer had found a drinking companion: the coach began to
plunge and lurch from side to side, and there was nothing for us to
do but trust in Providence.

I was endeavoring to get a little sleep when I was aroused by a
violent shock followed by the splash of water in my face. We had
finally capsized in the stream bordering the road. It was dark by
this time, and we did not know how deep the water might be. For-
tunately, the stream was shallow and we were able to wade ashore.
When I had collected my wits and we had fished out a lantern and
lighted it, I asked what had become of the wounded Indian. After
searching for a few minutes we located him under the stage. Al-
though we succeeded in extricating him, he was suffering terribly,
probably from internal injuries, and died during -the night.

One consoling feature of the accident was the condition of the
drummer. When the coach capsized he was thrown some fifteen
or twenty feet out into the stream where he lighted on his head.
When he emerged, dripping, with several front teeth knocked out,
he was sober beyond recognition.

We dared not attract -the attention of marauding Indians by build-
ing a fire, so we just sat around, wet, cold, and disconsolate, for the
rest of the night. To add to our troubles, 'the drummer dinned into
our ears dire threats of what he was going to do in the way of bringing
damage suits against the stage company because of injuries and prob-
able loss of pulchritude. We all stated positively, however, that we
would give no testimony in his favor. When daylight finally came,
we contrived with considerable difficulty to upright the stage and
resume our journey. Nothing more was ever heard from the drum-
mer after we dropped him at one of the stations along the road.
At Hermosillo I presented a letter of introduction to Seiior Carlos

112 JLne A.utooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

Ortiz, then governor of Sonera. This call was no mere formality;
it was highly necessary for those operating in the country to maintain
friendly relations with the ruling political powers. From Hermo-
sillo I went by rail to Guaymas on the Gulf of California and arrived
there just in time to secure passage on a small Mexican schooner
which was carrying mining machinery and dynamite to one of the
ports farther down the coast. My own destination was Agiovampo,
which, under a fair wind, would have been reached in two or three
days. We were becalmed, however, and for five days floated around
helplessly in sight of Guaymas.

Since there was no cabin on our primitive boat, I slept every night
on deck under the wonderful glow of a starlit heaven such as those
who live to the north of the Rio Grande seldom see. During the day
I spent my time swimming, rowing about, or even making occa-
sional trips to the shore to shoot birds. One morning, as I was about
to dive off the bow, there came a wild cry of "Tiburon!" from the
natives standing near me. Something in their tone made me gather
that my prospective dip did not altogether meet with their approval.
I looked around inquiringly and one of them pointed to the water.
There I saw an enormous shark standing by and fairly licking its
chops at the sight of me. I did not swim that morning.

After a voyage which took three times as long as it should have
taken, I arrived at Agiovampo and went on horseback to the mine,
about eighty miles away. It was good to feel a horse under me again,
and to know that I was getting somewhere at last. On arrival I pre-
sented my credentials to my predecessor, an irascible old German
named Konstantin Heusch, whose temper had not been improved by
many years' residence in those lonely parts.

Of course, I was eager to go over the mine at once, but Heusch was
obviously reluctant to have me see it. Since I knew the mine was
only about a mile up the slope of a mountain from where the mill,
smelter, office, and rest of the plant were located, I was irritated and
somewhat puzzled by the excuses the man made to delay my exam-
ination. Late on the day after my arrival, however, the foreman of
the mine came down to the office on business and, without further
ado, I accompanied him back.

Upon my return to the mill, Heusch reproached me bitterly, saying

O1<1 Mexico 113

that this was a most unethical procedure on my part, and one which
placed him in a highly undignified position. Of this there was no
doubt, for it had needed but a few hours' examination underground
to convince me that the mine had been "gutted." The bonanza, from
which some very rich ore had been taken, had been practically
worked out and nothing was left but a shell of a mine.

Although not of a suspicious nature except when examining mm-
ing properties, I was bound to wonder whether Heusch's disinclina-
tion to have me make a prompt examination did not proceed from
a plan to commit me first to a favorable impression based on his own
accounts of the property. In fact, this was exactly what he had
intended, for it subsequently developed that he was making every
effort to get rid of the stock he then held in the company before the
inevitable expose.

Indeed, it afterwards came out that on the very day I arrived he
actually sent a telegram to -the president of the company, informing
him that I was enthusiastic over the outlook. At the same time,
through an accomplice who also held some of the stock, he was en-
deavoring to give his associates the rare "opportunity" of buying his
own shares, "which he reluctantly had to part with in order to carry
out the development of another property" he owned.

I -spent several disagreeable days with the slippery old fellow going
over his accounts, which consisted mainly of odd scraps of paper
kept in a tin cracker box. In the course of my attempt to learn their
contents, he made himself so offensive that I was finally obliged to
give him twenty-four hours' notice to pack up and leave. He blus-
tered and said he would go when he was good and ready, or words
to that effect. But he decided to go at once when he saw that he
had to choose between my offer of a mule and a walk of two hundred
miles to Guaymas.

As soon as Heusch reached San Francisco he went to the Janin
brothers and reported that I was incompetent. In every way possible
he endeavored to discredit me, and succeeded to the extent of pre-
vailing on Henry Janin to use his influence to have me dismissed as
manager of the mine. But Louis Janin, on whose recommendation
I had been selected for the position, was my able defender. With my

JLne Autobiography of Jonn Hays Hammond

fighting spirit roused, and counting on Louis Janin's support, I made
up my mind not to retire,

A mining engineer named Bartlett was sent from New York to
ascertain the true state of affairs. His report commended my work,
and I had no further difficulty in establishing myself firmly in the
confidence of the dominating faction of shareholders.

At the outset of my first big opportunity I had a gutted mine on
my hands. Realizing the seriousness of my position, I went to see
the company's agent, Senor Tomas Bours, at Alamos. He told me
frankly that, since the company had exhausted its credit, he did not
f?el justified in advancing money for the next week's payroll By
a happy chance, however, this same agent had known my father in
the old California days. On the strength of my father's reputation
for absolute integrity which has often been of service to me in va-
rious parts of the world the agent offered to lend me several
thousand dollars to cover the payroll until I could get assistance from
headquarters in New York. A fortnight elapsed before this assistance
came, since telegrams had to be sent by messenger on horseback to
the nearest station, more than two hundred miles away, and thence
forwarded to New York.

It required considerable correspondence on my part to convince
the outraged directors of the sort of dividends they could expect from
their mine in the near future. In the parlance of the day, their re-
turns would be nothing but "Irish dividends," in other words, assess-
ments. I proposed to shut down the mill for a while and to under-
take a system of underground prospecting in order to discover new
ore bodies. The ore occurred in small lenticular, or lens-shaped,
masses, and what there was of it was high grade. With the grudging
assent of the owners I went ahead with development work, and after
a few months succeeded in opening up new ore.

With the exception of the mine foreman and the metallurgist, the
employees were Mexicans and Indians. Consequently, my life for
the next few months was decidedly uncongenial, and I managed
to endure it only because I was absorbed in the task at hand. I was
fortunate at least in having decent quarters in a large two-story
hacienda which had been built by the Ortiz brothers before they
sold the property to the American company.

Old Mexico 115

One of my first tasks was to learn Spanish, or, properly speaking,
Mexican. Fortunately for my purpose, there was in Alamos an old
Californian who had married a Mexican woman. Since his senora
was somewhat fiery of temperament,, he was glad to live with me, and
under his tuition I acquired a good working knowledge of the
Mexican language. After remaining with me for nearly two years,
my poor instructor met a most unfortunate end. On the old man's
departure, I had presented him some money, which made him a
marked man in Alamos. He was promptly murdered, and it was
believed by his friends that his wife, unlike Caesar's was not above
suspicion.

One morning soon after my arrival I was stopped on my way to
the mines by a young man, patently American, who asked whether
I was the manager. He then said he wanted a job. I inquired as to
his accomplishments, and he replied that he was an assayer and could
speak Spanish fluently. After studying assaying at Los Angeles, he
had accompanied a party of mining promoters to the State of Sinaloa.
When he had made a number of assays for them they left him with
the promise to send him his fee. They had failed to do this and he
was now destitute.

I was so favorably impressed with the manner and appearance of
this fine-looking fellow only a few years younger than myself
that, while I could not give him a regular position just then, I offered
him seventy-five dollars a month to help me in connection with
certain examinations I was making at the mine. Later, when opera-
tions should get fully under way, I would pay him on the basis of the
value of *his services. He accepted my offer, and introduced himself
as Victor M. Clement. I was glad of his company, and invited him
to stay with me at the hacienda, and thereafter when the day's work
was done I taught him geology and metallurgy, the theory and prin-
ciples of which were still fresh in my mind from Freiberg days.

Clement was ambitious; he bought all the books I recommended
and studied assiduously. Minas Nuevas itself was a splendid school
in which to acquire a practical knowledge of mining. Since our
laborers were entirely ignorant, I was compelled to supervise vir-
tually all mining operations and this gave my young protege the
opportunity to observe them from every angle.

116 XLe Autobiography of Jonn Hays Hammond

A few months after Clement's arrival I was compelled to discharge
the mine foreman. I gave Clement the position and put him in
charge of the underground workings. Between us we had the actual
direction of the metallurgical operations, which embraced a great
many different methods of treatment of ores, and consequently
Clement soon gained a well-rounded knowledge of the profession.
When I resigned my position, I had him appointed as my successor.
Within a brief period, therefore, Clement found himself, through
his own industry and persistence, in a highly responsible situation.
I had grown to like him and esteem him so highly that I kept in
touch with him, and in subsequent years he went with me on many
mine examinations. He served under me at Grass Valley and in
1886, on my recommendation, was appointed manager of the Bunker
Hill and Sullivan in the Coeur d'Alene district in Idaho, where he
played a leading part in the great labor war of 1892. A year later
he accompanied me to South Africa and shared my experiences there.
On returning to America he obtained^ highly profitable position
and continued to rise in his profession until his untimely death in 1903.
I have digressed to outline Clement's career because it so strikingly
points a moral and adorns a tale: a young man of intelligence rec-
ognized opportunity, and through integrity and application rose to
wealth and fame and the achievement of enduring works.

I soon saw that my original hope of making a reputation in Mexico
through the handling of a rich property was impossible of attainment.
Instead, I was forced to undertake the much less attractive enterprise
of so managing a poor property as to keep it from costing the owners
too much. My real job was to pull chestnuts out of the fire. How-
ever, adversity does have its uses. The isolation of Minas Nuevas,
the difficulties of transportation, and the poor returns forced me
to use my ingenuity in making the most of primitive and inadequate
equipment. Also, I had to solve the problem of labor among a people
unaware of the virtue of work, and in a society politically unstable.

A great portion of the Sonora mining district is composed of moun-
tain ranges which even today are largely inaccessible except on horse-
back. In the early eighties -this region swarmed with Indians,
revolutionists, and bandits of every sort and description. The revo-
lutionists made up in picturesqueness and local color what they lacked

Old Mexico 117

in military discipline. The young gallants in particular considered
themselves irresistible in their expensive felt or straw sombreros,
richly embroidered with silver braid, and their silver-plated spurs.
To a benighted gringo the rest of the attire was somewhat remi-
niscent of Kipling's Gunga Din:

The uniform 'e wore

Was nothin' much before,

An' rather less than 'arf o' that be'ind.

After I had politely but firmly declined to entertain the suggestions
of certain of my less desirable neighbors for a share in the product of
the mine, frequent threats were made upon my life. In order to take
every precaution, I hired fif teen Yaqui Indians and organized them
as a bodyguard. First, I supplied them with rifles, and then taught
them how to shoot. At that time only the well-to-do classes in Mex-
ico possessed guns, the usual native weapon being a cross between
a sword and a meat cleaver which they called a "machete." Clement
was an excellent shot, and I had been familiar with the use of fire-
arms from -boyhood. After the Indians had had a little practice under
our instruction, we began to feel reasonably safe.

It was not long before our arrny of fifteen Yaqui, two American
employees, Clement, and I were put to the test. The revolutionists
had withdrawn in high dudgeon after my refusal to reward them by
a "consideration" for the privilege of letting me live. When the
colonel rode up one morning at the head of his regiment of a hun-
dred or more, and proceeded, after duly deploying his men, to lay
siege to our house, we were scarcely taken by surprise.

As soon as his forces were arranged, he sent word that he regretted
the necessity of levying a prestamo forced loan upon us, but it was
essential for him to procure corn for his horses and arms for his
troops. In particular, he inquired whether we had a supply of arms.
I replied that we were very well armed. The colonel then amiably
suggested that we lend him our rifles in order that he might protect
us from the Yaqui Indians then in revolt, who had hostile intentions
towards us. I hastened to assure him that he need have no concern
whatever about us; we felt quite adequate to the task of defending
ourselves. His next move was peremptorily to demand our supply

118 Tne Autooiograpliy of J onn Hays Hammond

of weapons. I declined to give them up, whereupon the colonel sent
word that he would come and take them by force. I replied that we
were ready for him, and asked who would be the first to step over
the dead line which, in this case, was a high adobe wall surrounding
the hacienda.

Our appearance was, indeed, formidable. In addition to our bar-
ricade, we had mounted several locomotive headlights with which
we were able to sweep the surrounding country after nightfall.
Furthermore, we carefully allowed the secret to leak out that, con-
cealed all about the premises, were dynamite caches which could
be exploded by an electrical apparatus. This extraordinary prepara-
tion for warfare made such a decided impression that, after several
days of blood-curdling threats and a few potshots to let us know they
were beaten but unbowed, the disconsolate patriots moved off and
left us free to continue our labors.

As time went on, one of our chief difficulties was to prevent the
rich ore from being stolen. It made so irresistible an appeal to the
light-fingered gentry of the vicinity that sometimes sacks would be
abstracted on the way from the mine to the mill. A little quiet inves-
tigating showed that there were in the neighborhood several small
arrastres operating on the ore stolen from our mine. I made haste
to establish friendly relations with the jefe politico, or mayor, of the
little mining village of Minas Nuevas.

It so happened that he was called Juan, the Spanish equivalent
for my name. On the strength of this fortunate coincidence we
swore eternal friendship, and general offensive and defensive alliances
which were then celebrated convivially, as was the custom, in our
observance of San Juan's Day, June 24th. Shortly after, I was hon-
ored by an appointment as "special constable" and proceeded to fulfill
my duty to the public by raiding the arrastres and recovering the
hard-won ore which belonged to the company. The jefe politico
then gave the captured thieves the choice of being shot or serving in
the army. If the company desired, however, it could have the rascals
locked up in the calaboose, on condition that it agree to defray the
expense of providing a special guard, food, and necessities for the
prisoners. Needless to say, we did not avail ourselves of this
privilege.

Old Mexico 119

Even in such an out-of-the-way corner as Minas Nuevas, tramps
would occasionally appear looking for work. It is really unfair to
call them tramps, since they were usually prospectors out of grub and
out of cash. Their sole object was to work their way back to the
States where they might get together enough money to enable them
once more to set themselves up in their precarious and adventurous
business of prospecting.

Two such men presented themselves one afternoon at the mines.
It was at once evident that both had footed it for many miles. Dirty
ragged shirts and Mexican linen pantaloons were their sole cover-
ings. On their feet they wore garauches, a type of sandal made of
stout sole-leather and held on the foot by thongs between the toes.
Never did I see two more abject-looking Americans. Moreover, they
were suffering from calentura, a fever then prevalent in the lower
parts of Mexico.

To their request for employment, I replied that I was familiar with
their kind; that I knew they would work only two or three days
and would then be off. But they were such sad-looking specimens
that I did not have the heart to turn them away: I told them to get
some supper at the cookhouse and turn up for work in the morning.
These men stayed on the job for several months; they even took a
contract in the mine and saved up several hundred dollars before go-
ing prospecting again. The family of one of them, I afterwards
learned, was one of the most respected in Maryland.

The later story of these two known as Frank and Dutch John
shows how again and again one crosses the trail of former associates
in the mining world.

A few years after I had left Minas Nuevas, and had established my
office in New York, a client asked me to see a man who had
a bonanza to sell in Arizona. Much to my surprise, the man was
Srank. Although he seemed somewhat embarrassed when he saw
me, he proceeded to expatiate on die value of the property. So sure
of his proposition was he that he offered to put up a thousand dollars
as forfeit if, after examination by my client's experts, the mine proved
not to be up to his representations. I asked for a few minutes' private
conversation with Frank and took him into the next room.

120 Tie Autobiography of Jonn Hays Hammond

"Now, Frank/* I said, "y u know me, and you know you can't put
up any job on my clients. You'd better save your thousand dollars
and sell the mine to somebody else."

"No, Mr. Hammond," he answered, "you're wrong. This is a good
mine, and I'm perfectly willing to put my thousand up."

Convinced that he was honest, I recommended the deal subject to
my report after examination.

I went first to Colorado to look at some properties, and then con-
tinued on to Arizona and to Chloride, where Frank's mine was lo-
cated. On the stage I rode, as I liked to do, with the driver, because
I have found that a stage driver usually knows a great deal about the
people and places in his district and is always willing to talk. As we
drew near a certain hill he pointed out a dump and two or three
buildings near by, which, he said, represented a mine owned by this
man Frank and two partners. He further informed me that, while
Frank was in the East, his partners had dug out the ore, a rich chlo-
ride of silver, and had departed with it for points unknown.

Upon reaching the mine, I found Frank greatly troubled. My
examination disclosed a pockety formation of silver chloride, but the
stage driver had been right in his assertion that it had been thoroughly
gutted. Under the circumstances I felt I could not hold Frank to
his agreement about the thousand dollars; I returned it after taking
out only enough to pay my actual expenses.

Only a few months later, on my way back from an examination in
the Sierra Madre Mountains, I made a side trip to Cusihiurachic to
see a new process invented by E. Russell, a Yale collegemate. The
process was being successfully used in the treatment of exceptionally
"rebellious" ore. On arriving at "Cusi," I went to a little Mexican
adobe hotel, which I found quite deserted, the attendants and, in
fact, the entire village having gone to a cockfight. From past ex-
perience I knew that no hotelkeeper would be forthcoming to give
me my much-needed meal and bed until the fights were over.

The manager of the mine was ill but there was a note from him
asking me to present myself at the mine shaft at five o'clock the next
morning, when his foreman would take me down. To my astonish-
ment, the foreman was none other than Dutch John.

Old Mexico 121

"Well, Dutch," I asked, "how are you? And how do you happen
tobeinCusi?"

"Fm fine now, Mr. Hammond," came the reply,, "but about a year
back, in Tucson, a man tried to get me and I beat him to the draw.
They don't like killings in Tucson, so I thought I'd be better off this
side the border. Nobody's come after me yet, so I guess it's all blown

over."

I then told him what I knew about Frank and asked what he
could add to my account.

"Yes," he volunteered sadly, "Frank's dead. You remember those
bandits that held up a railroad train in Arizona about a month ago
and got away with the Wells-Fargo box? Frank was one of 'em.
The sheriff and a posse followed 'em into Mexico, and then the
greasers chased *em."

"But Frank wasn't the kind of fellow to go robbing express cars."

"I know he wasn't. Frank never had the makings for a job like
that. I'll bet he just stumbled into the middle of their plans when
he was pullin' out o' that mine bust. He always was a great guy f er
stumblin' into the wrong places. The yella snakes couldn't let him
go because he knew all their water holes. So they yanked him along
with 'em."

"How do you know?" I queried.

"Why, the place is just over there aways. Somebody tipped off
the greaser posse where they was and they surrounded the shack.
The bandits were ready for 'em plenty of grub and plenty of lead.
Like as not they'd be shootin' it out yet if the Mexicans hadn't smoked
'em out by settin' fire to the shack. They all come out with their
guns in their hands, but the posse dropped 'em all."

"But how do you know Frank was in the fracas ?" I inquired.

"I'm sure, all right," Dutch answered heavily. "I saw his boots.
You know Frank was always particular about his boots when he had
money. He had 'em made special off east somewheres and the heels
was smaller and higher than any man's I ever seen. After the shootin'
they brought the bodies in here on the backs of burros. The heads
was covered but I saw Frank's boots stickin' out. A man can't make
a mistake about his pardner's boots.

"But Frank wouldn't of done no robbin', Mr. Hammond." Dutch

122 Tne Autotiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

seemed to be gathering his slow wits for a final vindication of his old
comrade. "Nor no killin' either. Why, Frank wouldn't even of shot
a greaser !"

I was distressed to hear this circumstantial tale, but the matter
soon passed out of my mind. Some fifteen years later, after returning
from South Africa, I gave a lecture at Johns Hopkins University on
King Solomon's mines. After the lecture, President Remsen intro-
duced me to many people as they filed past and shook hands with me.
Among them was Frank!

"Why, Frank," I said, "I thought you were dead,"

My eyes strayed involuntarily to his boots. "I want to talk with
you, 3 ' I added cordially. "Come to my hotel in the morning. Now
be sure to see me!"

He said he would come but he never did. However, he will prob-
ably turn up again.

As my experience increased I came to realize more and more that
the sympathetic mining engineer often had to serve in a capacity not
unlike that of the doctor who is obliged to inform his patient's family
that there is no hope of recovery. Somehow one never can become
quite calloused to this situation, however often it may occur.

I once made an examination of a mine in the remote district of
Jesus Maria in the Sierra Madres. It was hardly more than a pros-
pect, owned by an American, who, with his little family, had been
living there a dozen years or more. He had expended his last avail-
able dollar on the property and was hoping and believing with all
his heart and soul that my examination would result in a favorable
report and the payment of enough money to take his family back to
the States to God's country where they would thereafter live*
Unfortunately the poor fellow's wish could not be realized. To my
great regret, I was compelled to make an adverse report, and his
dreams vanished. He and his wife were heartbroken.

An experience which made a profound impression on me occurred
when I went to investigate another mine in the same district, a hun-
dred and fifty miles west of Chihuahua, While there, I was told by
Waithman, the young English superintendent, that a famous English
engineer was buried near by a man who had introduced improved

HACIENDA AT MINAS NUEVAS

THE MINE AT MINAS NUEVAS

I START OUT TO INVESTIGATE A MINE IN MEXICO

Old Mexico 123

metallurgical processes into Mexico and who had died in these hills.
Out of respect to his memory I hunted up his burial place.

I found his body in a shallow grave hollowed out of the stony
ground; the earth and rocks had fallen in and one end of the coffin
was broken away. There he lay, his face exposed, gaunt and bearded,
upturned to the sky. Though he had been dead some fifteen years,
the dry air and soil had so mummified his head that a friend could
have recognized his features. It was a gruesome sight, and made me
realize what is meant by the term "decent burial"

This reminder of death so affected me that I left some money with
Waithman to provide a deeper grave for our fellow laborer. And
then, only a few days later and probably before he could carry out our
plan, Waithman himself was murdered by Mexicans. The whole
circumstance seemed symbolic of the loneliness and the danger that
are the lot of the field engineer in the forgotten holes and corners
of the world.

CHAPTER EIGHT
Insurrectos and Indians

A RESCUE MAKES A GOVERNOR MY FAMILY
BRAVES THE JOURNEY SOUTH THROUGH
HOSTILE COUNTRY SANCHEZ, THE BANDIT
LOYAL YAQUI OUTWITTING THE MEXICAN FIESTA
THE TIRELESS TARAHUMARES A BRUSH WITH THE
STATION AGENT RUNNING THE GAUNTLET WITH
A SILVER TRAIN I RECOVER OUR STOLEN BAGGAGE

yyfter seven months at Minas
_^ / ^ Nuevas I naturally became

lonely. Not only was social life nonexistent, but correspondence
with my family was as uncertain as Sonora politics could make it.
All mail for the mine came by muleback from Guaymas, a distance
of more than two hundred miles. Three weeks at least elapsed
before letters could pass to or from San Francisco and much could
happen to a foreigner in Mexico during that period. The service,
moreover, was constantly interrupted, not merely because of un-
settled conditions, but because the mail frequently was held at
Guaymas until a sufficient amount accumulated to make a mule
load.

When my wife wrote that she had made up her mind to join me,
I protested, but my objections must have been feeble since they were
promptly overruled. Consequently, we arranged to meet at Guay-
mas. As it turned out, a more inopportune time for her visit could
hardly have been chosen. Scarcely had our plans been made and
the last possible letter exchanged, before the whole of Sonora was

124

Insurrectos and Indians 125

plunged into the uproar o a state election, in which I was unwit-
tingly destined to play a part.

I chartered a small schooner to take me from the little port of
Agiovampo up the coast to Guaymas to meet my family. As the
vessel was weighing anchor, a man on horseback galloped furiously
to the water's edge and shouted wildly in English, "Save me! Take
me with you quick!" His tone conveyed such desperation that I
felt I could not ignore his appeal So fearful was he of pursuers
that he flung himself off his horse and waded out to meet the boat
which I sent for him; then scrambled into it, and crouched down
until he was brought aboard the schooner, where he flattened himself
out on the deck. I was sympathetic with his distress but could not
quite grasp the situation. Then, just as we were getting well under
way, a dozen or more horsemen appeared over the brow of a hill,
dashed down to the water's edge, and gesticulated frantically at each
other while looking in all directions. My uninvited guest, still
trembling at his narrow escape, explained that these men would
surely kill him if they could get at him. They did not fire at the
boat, however, because their quarry took care not to show himself
until we were well out of the harbor, and they were apparently not
sure he was on board.

After my passenger had recovered from his fright, he told me
his name was Felizando Torres. His political enemies had hunted
him out from a little town not far away and would have "defeated"
him in the usual manner if they could have captured him. In the
course of our three days* sail I found he had studied in California,
spoke English perfectly, and knew several of my California friends.
When we reached Guaymas, he gave me a letter which he wished
me to deliver to the American consul, Alexander Willard, who was
also the agent for our company, and who had known my father and
my uncle, Colonel Hays, in California. Willard informed me at
once that Don Felizando was the outstanding candidate for governor
of Sonora. We both realized that neither he, as American consul,
nor I, as manager of an American mining company, could risk being
embroiled in Mexican political affairs, and therefore must exercise
every precaution not to become involved as partisans of the Torres
faction.

126 Tne Autokiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

Willard asked me to convey quietly a message to Torres advising
him not to land in Guaymas, where death was certain. He was,
instead, to steal our rowboat, escape to the other side of the bay, and
make his way to Hermosillo, the capital of the state, where his ad-
herents were awaiting him. This he managed to do and, as the
result of a rapid "campaign," became governor of Sonora inside of
two days. He held this position until his death, after which he was
succeeded by his cousin Senor Luis Torres, who, in turn, held office
until 1911 when, as an adherent of Diaz, he was obliged to flee the
country.

By helping Don Felizando escape, I was at least partially respon-
sible for the outcome of the election. This incident brought home
to me in impressive fashion the nature of political candidacy, par-
ticularly in Mexico during the eighties. There politics, like marriage,
were not to be entered into lightly; but reverently, discreetly, ad-
visedly, soberly, and with due regard for life and limb. In England
they "stand"' for Parliament in traditional dignity; in America we
"run" for office; but in Mexico, the defeated candidate wisely "ran"
away*

I never shall forget a practical illustration of this in the Sonora
state election in 1883. At that time, as I recall it, about a thousand
votes were needed by one of the parties to obtain the coveted office.
Agiovampo, with a "population" of about a hundred including
men, women, children, burros, dogs, pigs, and chickens cast the
requisite number of votes.

Conditions in Sonora were no worse, however, than elsewhere
in Mexico. A story told me by the manager of a silver mine in
Chihuahua clearly indicates the qualifications of the electorate there.
The managing director of the company had come from the States
to visit the mine. After examining the property, he expressed his
satisfaction with its administration and told the manager he had
nothing but praise for the way it was being run.

"But," he said, "my associates up north cannot understand why
you are not more broad-minded in your ideas of Mexican politics.
Why don't you put more emphasis on the liberalization of political
institutions ?"

lasurrectos and Indians 127

The manager explained that in his opinion the peons with whom
he had come in contact were not qualified to vote.

"You have an entirely wrong conception of the Mexican char-
acter," he went on to explain. "They are not at all ready for any
liberalization of political institutions. I'll give you a practical demon-
stration of this. I'll call a meeting and tell my men that on a certain
day they will be given the privilege of expressing their personal
choice as to who shall be president of the republic."

Accordingly, he issued, a proclamation in which he assured the
inhabitants that they were entirely at liberty to express their prefer-
ence secretly and without any prejudice to themselves. The amazing
result of this plebiscite was that about a hundred votes were cast
for the most popular bullfighter in Mexico, fifty for one of the most
notorious bandits in the section in which the mine was located, and
a hundred and fifty for the great Mexican patriot, Benito Juarez,
who had then been dead more than fifty years. After this example
of Mexican political acumen the managing director acknowledged
that Mexico did not possess the attributes of an intelligent democracy.

President Wilson once took offense at my telling this story, because
he felt it cast an unfavorable light on his and Secretary Bryan's
Mexican policies.

While the unsettled political condition in Sonora was most acute,
my wife arrived at Guaymas in October, 1882, coming by steamer
from San Francisco. Her little domestic expedition consisted of our
son Harris, almost a year old, his nurse Theresa, my sister Betty,
and my young brother Dick, The revolution started by my friend
Don Felizando and his adherents had already had its repercussion in
Guaymas, where for several days desultory fighting had been going
on. With difficulty I managed to commandeer two rooms in the
bare attic of a house owned by an acquaintance who was absent at
the time. There we remained in seclusion for two days until the
fighting had subsided. Since it was unsafe to leave the house, I
could procure food only by foraging at night.

I had intended to take my family from Guaymas to the mine by
wagon, but when the far-from-comforting news reached me that a
party of foreigners who had been making the trip by land had been
massacred by the Apaches a few days before, I decided to return to

128 TLe Autooiograpky of Jolm Hays Hammond

the mines in the same boat on which I had come north. When we
were on the point of sailing, we found that the guns of the fort of
Guaymas were trained on our boat to prevent our leaving. Having
discovered my connection with Don Felizando, the commanding
officers were evidently afraid I might be up to more mischief. How-
ever, through the assistance of Willard, we secured the proper papers
from the Mexican authorities and sailed.

The boat was loaded to the gunwales with mining supplies, among
which was a large quantity of explosives. Below deck the only
vacant space was a small hold, badly ventilated and half filled with
freight. So far Betty's only traveling had been to and from boarding
school. But my wife had described to her the ornate Mississippi
River boats with their red plush cabins and, when I told them I had
chartered a schooner, they both expected the same sort of luxury.
One look, and a whiff of the piles of dried onions in the hold, was
enough for my sister; up she went on deck to pick out a bed on some
comfortable pile of lumber. We followed her.

One compensation for sleeping on deck was a glorious view of the
great comet of 1882, but this was offset by certain disadvantages:
we were exposed to the heavy dew and the chill night air. The
pathetic waitings of an innumerable family of kittens periodically
disturbed our slumbers. We were fed the same kind of stew at every
meal; my sister ominously maintained that the stock of kittens
dwindled progressively.

It would have been a hard trip even for experienced travelers.
Fortunately I had laid in a supply of provisions which included
champagne, tins of pite de foie gras, and ice. This may sound
luxurious, but the iced champagne proved to be a veritable lifesaver
rather than an indulgence. Harris cut his first tooth, acquired a
red bandana when he lost his hat, and developed calentura. Fortu-
nately, he turned out to be an indestructible baby.

Agiovampo was reached on the third day. About ten days earlier,
when I had seen it last, there had been a hundred or more natives in
the little pueblo, but when we arrived there on the return trip not
a living soul was in evidence. Indians had frightened the inhabi-
tants away, and the prospect of the journey into the interior was not
cheerful.

Insurrectos and Indians 129

Before leaving Guaymas I had sent a messenger by land to the
mine with instructions to have a wagon and pack animals meet
us on our arrival at Agiovampo. For some reason they were de-
layed, with the result that we were obliged to wait there for them.
Meanwhile we had decided to sleep on shore in a shack, and ordered
the captain of the boat to remain anchored near by. He disre-
garded instructions and sailed off, leaving us with no refuge. We
were not molested, however, and finally our wagon put in an
appearance.

On the way our driver had encountered an old Mexican whom he
engaged as guide. I shall never forget the old fellow's surprise when
I gave him a piece of ice. He accepted it calmly enough, but, as
soon as his hand touched it, he dropped it, saying it was "too hot."
But he was still much interested in it and, at his request, I gave him
a large chunk to take home. Carefully wrapping the ice in a blanket,
he tied it behind his saddle. I could imagine him later telling his
children what a curious present he had for them and his amazement,
upon untying the blanket, to find that the treasure had mysteriously
disappeared.

Most of the trip from Agiovampo to Alamos was uphill and over
sandy roads. I was in constant apprehension of an attack, from
either Indians or bandits, since both usually took advantage of dis-
turbed conditions to rob, pillage, and murder. I would ride a mile
or so ahead of our caravan, carefully scanning the horizon to make
sure the road was clear of hostile parties. If none were in sight, I
would wave a handkerchief as a signal to the driver and he would
come forward with all the speed he could urge out of his mules.

The trip was naturally one of great nervous tension for the women,
but my wife proved to be a heroine as she did on many subsequent
occasions and did everything possible to reassure my sister and
the nurse. By way of encouragement, she frequently declared that
in case Dick and I should be killed, she would faithfully promise to
shoot: first, the women of the party, then her child, and then her-
self, rather than have them fall into the hands of the Indians.

Late the first night we reached a little pueblo occupied by peaceful
Indians. There we slept, and proceeded early the next day to
Alamos. Just before we reached the town we were met by a com-

130 Tne Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

pany of Mexican soldiers, sent by Governor Torres to escort us to the
mine. They had been ordered to meet us at Agiovampo, but, evi-
dently knowing the Indians were raiding, concluded that discretion
outranked valor. At Alamos we rested a few days under the hos-
pitable roof of the Bours family, and then went on to Minas Nuevas.
Once safe behind the barricade I made no effort to stifle a sigh of
relief.

The house had been thoroughly cleansed and made ready, but
even so life at Minas Nuevas was full of hardships for my little family.
It was impossible to obtain any but the crudest kind of peon cooks,
and the culinary ingredients themselves were not specially appetizing.
Although the climate was hot in summer, it was not unhealthful,
and most of our time was spent out of doors on a large veranda.

After a short stay, my brother returned to California. As I was
frequently away all day at the mine, I felt that, as a means of self-
protection, my wife and sister ought to know how to use a gun.
On Sunday afternoons, when the natives were on the streets, we
would go out and practice shooting. The ability to shoot straight
was in itself a protection against people whose chief weapon was
a machete.

In spite of all efforts on the part of the insurrectos, Minas Nuevas
continued to operate. My worst difficulty was with a Mexican
named Sanchez, whom I had hired as a labor contractor, or mining
captain. He had formerly been a notorious bandit, had killed several
men, and enjoyed a reputation consonant with such activity. But
he had given up the profession of banditry for that of mining, and,
as a labor leader, he was first class. When the commander of the
revolutionaries threatened to press Sanchez and his men into service,
my bandit replied that in that event the first shot he himself fired
would be at his officers, while his men would fire into their own
ranks. Since he was so evidently a desperado, he and my workers
were left undisturbed.

But when comparative peace had been restored in the vicinity,
Sanchez began to think himself indispensable, and consequently
grew very cocky. When f ull of tequila a particularly vicious brand
of alcoholic drink, made from the century plant he would pro-

insurrectos ana Indians 131

claim abroad that I was afraid to discharge him, and boast of what
he would do to me if I did.

I knew that if his swaggerings were allowed to go long unrebuked,
there would be an end to any discipline in the mines. Accordingly,
I determined that the next payday I would make an example of him.
When the men were all lined up to draw their weekly wages and
Sanchez stepped forward to the desk for his, I said in a loud voice:
"Sanchez, I hear you're saying I'm afraid to discharge you. Here's
your money. You're fired! Now get out and stay out! If you set
foot on this property again or make any move against me 111 shoot
the hell out of you!"

Muttering, and with black looks, Sanchez went off, but thereafter
made it his business to get me. He carried a gun, and guns were a
prized possession among the Mexicans, but he was also expert with a
knife, which was better for night work. Since Sanchez continued
to lurk in the neighborhood, I had to be incessantly on guard.

I have already referred to my Yaqui bodyguard. They belonged
to a remarkable tribe. The late Carl Lumholtz, an acknowledged
authority, who spent many years in studying the Indians of Mexico,
told me that he regarded the Yaqui as related to the warlike Apaches.
But the great majority of Yaqui were not aggressive, though, when
drilled, they became the best soldiers in the Mexican Army and
in later years have been used as shock troops in battle.

Every week I would send my Yaqui guard with several thousand
dollars' worth of silver, in the form of large ingots, to the mint at
Alamos for coinage and deposit to the company's credit. Armed
and on horseback, it was the duty of the Yaqui to convey the bullion
to the mint and then bring back to me a thousand or more pesos
in coin, packed in sealed canvas sacks, for the weekly raya, or pay-
roll. The guard would place the sacks upon a table and stand at
attention while I counted the money. As soon as I said "Es bueno"
they would salute and retire.

Had these Indians ever absconded with the money and fled with it
to the mountain fastnesses which were their tribal home and where
they sought refuge when pursued by Mexican troops, its recovery
would have been impossible. There was, however, not a single defal-
cation. In a small way they did indulge in the habits of the country*

132 Tne Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

They would, for example, pilfer a pistol, a knife, or such objects as
were regarded by them as legitimate prey. To this local custom their
employers were perforce obliged to bow.

It was, in fact, not an uncommon experience for me to buy chickens
from my Yaqui employees, have the same fowl stolen by them within
a few hours after their delivery, and promptly offered me the follow-
ing day for repurchase. The Yaqui simply regarded this method
of adding to their pin money as a special prerogative. While I was
not indisposed to humor them to a reasonable extent, after I had
purchased the same chicken several times I would protest and ask
them, in the patois at my command, if they did not think they were
rubbing it in.

One vexing detail under which we labored at Minas Nuevas was
the constant interruption to operations caused by the innumerable
holidays. Every saint in the calendar; every patriot, real or fictitious;
every battle, fought or contemplated, had his, her, or its day, and,
of course, any suggestion that the hero of the occasion might be
honored by a stroke of work would have been regarded by the peon
as sheer blasphemy. In consequence, fully one-third of each month
was simply time lost. With Machiavellian cunning I did, however,
manage to establish a triumphant record of having kept our com-
pany's smelter running throughout the entire round of the many
and various fiestas.

These fiestas always seemed to occur at a time when to close down
operations would have been a costly proceeding which we could ill
afford. Heretofore, the Indians had been accustomed to leave the
mine in a body for several days and repair to their villages for the
Easter celebrations. This year I persuaded them to postpone their
pious pilgrimage by hiring a circus outfit and arranging for them to
celebrate in shifts while keeping operations under way at the same
time. Thus, by solemnly mounting the griffins and swans of the
merry-go-round between shifts, the Yaqui were enabled to do their
duty by the saints and I to fulfill my own by the mine.

In addition to the periodic demands of religion, the observance of
Sunday invariably handicapped the work during the early part of
the week. Regularly after each Saturday payroll had been dis-
tributed, both Mexicans and Indians proceeded to seek consolation

Insurrectos and Indians 133

in the national beverages of pulque and mescal of which they par-
took so freely that always on Monday, and generally on Tuesday
also, they were incapacitated for work. With Saturday as a half-
holiday, Sunday an entire one, Monday and Tuesday set apart for
convalescence, and a saint's day or two thrown in for good measure,
work at the mines proceeded somewhat spasmodically.

My predecessors had found no solution to the problem and had
submitted to what they regarded as the inevitable. My patience
gave way at last and I set about seriously to devise some system
whereby we might be reasonably sure of at least four days' work a
week. Since temperance was obviously impossible, I resolved to
outwit the demon rum: first, by setting up a model saloon; second,
by purchasing the least injurious brand of mescal; finally, by selling
this to the company employees at a lower price than it could be
obtained from the village tiendas. In return for this display of public
spirit on my part, I entered into an amicable arrangement with the
natives. I was to allow them to get freely and gloriously drunk on
Saturday night in fact, I urged them to start early and to remain
intoxicated throughout Sunday. When Sunday evening came, I
was privileged to have them all arrested and clapped under lock and
key to sober up for Monday morning. The plan worked admirably.
All parties were satisfied and the output at the mine was considerably
increased.

My method was only less drastic than that of the padre in charge
of a California mission in the early days. His church choir was com-
posed of Indians, and to ensure their attendance on Sunday, the
padre found it necessary to lock up the choir on Saturday night so
that the members might be in proper physical condition for the
next day. This confinement tended to inculcate in them the proper
Christian spirit.

On my later trips through the northern Sierra Madre region I
saw a great deal of the Tarahumare Indians, a most primitive people.
Only about twenty-five thousand of them are left today, the remnants
of what was a vast population at the time of the Spanish Conquest.
Their most striking custom is a curious game in which, like waltzing
mice, they indulge from morning until night. The men and women
of the tribe drive before them a large ball, ever harder and faster,

134 The Automograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

without any apparent objective. The race goes on indefinitely until
the entire community is too exhausted for further pursuit. After
pausing for the necessities of food and rest, the game is solemnly
resumed. What the contestants see in it, nobody knows; they them-
selves cannot explain their enthusiasm. They only know that their
ancestors for generations found in it a raison d'etre; therefore, with-
out further thought, they gird their loins and run with tireless zeal
the race that is set before them.

Centuries of playing this tribal game have bred in them such
facility in using their legs that they run almost involuntarily, much
as a fish dilates its gills or a human being expands his diaphragm.

Consequently, the Tarahumares have phenomenal endurance as
runners. A healthy Tarahumare, jogging along with hardly a pause,
will run seventy miles a day. There is one well-authenticated in-
stance where one of their messengers covered five hundred miles in
five days through an excessively rough and mountainous country.

Rumors of the prowess of these Tarahumares brought an emissary
from the managers of the Olympic games with an invitation for the
Indians to compete, but, in spite of all inducements, they refused.
Although they broke world records every day and thought nothing
of it, they preferred their own ball game to athletic laurels.

In making a long journey, the Tarahumare runners live entirely
on pinole, a native dish of parched corn ground to a powder and
mixed with water. If they crave a more substantial meal, they will
stalk a deer, and have been known to follow it through jungles and
across mountains for days at a time until the fleet animal itself was
exhausted by their tireless pace. Smaller animals, such as rabbits,
they kill with boomerangs.

On several occasions I employed Tarahumare guides. I recall one
record trip I made from a mine in the Sierra Madres to the railroad
at Minaca, Chihuahua. I traveled over the rough trails with the same
horse for twenty hours, pausing only occasionally for a brief rest.
During the whole journey my guide ran ahead of me with no sign of
fatigue.

While I was at Minas Nuevas I had by me constantly day and
night and even in the mines my trustworthy friend, a six-shooter.
Repeated threats had been made to me, anonymous for the most part,

Insurrectos ana Indians 135

and I had not depended solely on the vigilance of Don Tomas, the
night watchman who sat at the foot of the stairway leading to my
sleeping apartment at the hacienda. Don Tomas had acquired the
reputation of hombre valor some years before, when he had kept
watch at the same stairway of the Ortiz family, who lived in the
hacienda at the time, to prevent an enemy from approaching. One
of the enemies tried to force his way past Don Tomas,, and Don
Tomas shot him dead.

While as I have said I did not place my safety entirely in the
watchfulness and valor of Don Tomas, his presence was something
of a comfort, especially to my wife and family when they were with
me. Just before leaving Minas Nuevas I passed Don Tomas one
day and saw the handle of his six-shooter projecting from the holster.
Out of curiosity I pulled it out and tried to shoot it, but I could get
no reaction. I pulled at the trigger several times, but without result.
Then Don Tomas tried his hand but still nothing happened, much to
his mortification. It would have been indeed a slender reed to
depend upon.

During the winter of 1882-83, my father-in-law, Judge Harris,
come to visit Minas Nuevas. This relieved my wife of some of the
great nervous strain under which she had been living. Not only
was it almost impossible to obtain proper food for her small baby,
but also her own life had frequently been threatened by the same
bandits who were trying to ambush me. To be fired at from behind
a cactus plant while passing with her baby in her arms made peace-
ful monotony seem most desirable. By spring, conditions were so
alarming that I called a family council to discuss what was best to
be done, and it was then decided that my family should accompany
Judge Harris back to the States in April.

My wife was so worried by the risks I was constantly running
when off the mine property that, before she would consent to leave,
she exacted from me a sacred promise never to go out without some
of my Yaqui guard.

When the appointed day came, I accompanied my family as far as
Guaymas. This time we traveled by wagon, sleeping under it at
night, and arrived a week later at Ortiz Station on the railroad
between Guaymas and the Mexican frontier at Nogales.

136 The Autobiography of Joka Hays Hammond

As Ortiz Station was merely a tiny community of about a hundred
Mexicans living in adobe huts and boasted no hotel, and as the
train was not due until the following morning, I looked around for
quarters for the night. The station was in charge of an American
agent; the railroad at that time was part of the Santa Fe system.
At my request he gave us permission to spread our blankets on the
upper floor of the station building. This would at least give the
women and the baby an opportunity to rest. Unfortunately, the
agent got drunk. He then amused himself by firing his pistols at
anything within range. As the day wore on, this performance grew
more and more annoying, yet there seemed to be no way of stopping
our inebriated host, who was enjoying himself immensely.

About dusk we went to a near-by Mexican hut where I had
arranged for frijoles and tortillas. During the supper our spirits
were lowered still further when we learned there were several cases
of "black" smallpox in the village. After supper, my wife and sister
went upstairs again while I sat below on the station platform to have
a smoke. I had been there only a few minutes when the agent
rounded into view, very unsteadily, and asked me between hiccoughs
if I liked music. I responded in the affirmative; whereupon, he said,
"Do you see that greaser over there trying to play a fiddle? Now,
you go over and get that fiddle and III show you what real music is."
I replied that I did not believe I cared enough for music to do
that, and then asked, "Why don't you go yourself?"

Like a flash he pulled out a pistol and, leveling it at me, shouted,
"You go get that fiddle, if you know what's good for your health."
The pistol was fully primed and his finger on the trigger was
alarmingly shaky. Meanwhile, my wife had overheard the row;
she rushed to the window and pleaded with him not to shoot. With-
out taking my eyes off the agent, I called up to her not to worry, and
then proceeded to revile him in all the fluent, vivid phrases of the
Forty-niners, among other things calling him a dirty coward and
daring him to shoot.

This so astonished the agent that he actually paused to listen to
my eloquence. Taking advantage of his hesitation, I suddenly
wrested the pistol from his hand. Nevertheless, it was a close call.
A knowledge of the psychology of a drunken man, gained during

Insurrectos and Indians 137

observations of many rough scenes in the mining camps, had taught
me that nothing could be more disconcerting to one in the agent's
state than a sudden bold verbal attack.

However, this was not quite the end of the adventure, for the man,
having gone to his room, came back in a few minutes with his right
hand behind his back, walked menacingly to within a few feet of
me, and demanded, "Now give me back my gun!"

But I had him covered. "Move that hand an inch and 111 shoot
you full of lead!"

He saw I meant business and sheepishly admitted he was only
bluffing. Nevertheless, I kept my finger on the trigger as I walked
slowly around him to make sure he was unarmed.

The rest of the night passed peacefully, albeit uncomfortably, I
am sure, however, that my wife and sister were glad to see the train
come down the track the next morning. They reached Guaymas
safely and from there went east, having had enough of Mexico for
the time being.

I returned to the mines, although I had decided to resign as soon
as the company could conveniently spare me. Any expectation I
might have had of gaining reflected glory as manager of a famous
mine had come to naught. I realized that there was neither wealth
nor fame to be had at Minas Nuevas. Because of the difficult situa-
tion there, I waited several months before taking formal leave; the
revolutionists were making things exceedingly trying. The political
faction which then had charge of the mint at Alamos was making
unfair returns on the weight and fineness of the metal we sent to
be coined. To evade this imposition, I decided to hold the silver at
the mines until I was ready to leave, and then take it with me to
Guaymas for shipment to the States.

Immediately upon my wife's departure, my loneliness began to
return. One evening, about a month later, I rode off to visit a
German who was running a mine some five miles away. I enjoyed
his company, and when he asked me to stay to supper, I accepted
the invitation. As we were sitting before a grated window, I saw
a dim figure pass. I recognized Sanchez. If I had told my host that
Sanchez was probably planning to waylay me on my homeward
journey, he would have given me an escort, but with some false pride

138 Tne Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

at confessing alarm, I said nothing. Soon afterwards I set off in the
moonlight over the trail. I rode an active and sure-footed cow pony
in whose speed and quickness I had great confidence. Indeed, there
had been times when I was safer alone on my mount than if attended
by guards on slower horses.

Except for one steep, sloping outcrop of rock, twenty-five or thirty
feet long, the trail furnished good footing. As we started gingerly
across this bad stretch, I caught sight of the shadow of a man rising
from the bushes. I clapped spurs to my pony's flanks. The little
beast covered the slippery rock in two noble jumps, and I was away
down the trail. I confess the bandit gave me a turn, But what was
most disturbing was the thought that if I had been murdered my
wife would thereby have discovered that I had broken my sacred
promise to her. Conscience doth make cowards of us all.

Sanchez continued to stalk me, his last attempt on my life taking
place the day before my departure. As Clement and I were sitting
on the broad veranda in the upper story of our building, two rifle
shots were fired, one very narrowly missing me. Both Clement and
I immediately dropped to the floor and crawled off to the stairs.
Mounting our horses, which were always standing in the yard
saddled, we started off in quest of the desperado. We might have
spared ourselves the trouble because, as usual, the wily fellow had
gone to cover. This was his parting shot.

Preparations were carefully made for the departure of the silver
train which I was to take to Guaymas. Ordinarily the mules used to
transport the silver carried a load of three hundred pounds each.
But since this time we were convoying a ton of pure silver bullion
worth many thousand dollars, which I knew would bring the Mexi-
cans hot on our trail, we loaded the mules with only half the usual
amount a seventy-five pound ingot in each saddlebag. In order
to make even greater speed, I had fresh mules relayed about fifty
miles away on the road to Guaymas,

Late one afternoon, during a heavy thunderstorm, I called ten of
my Yaqui guards together and had them saddle and load up the
mules with the silver bars, blankets, food, and other equipment
necessary for the trip. OS we started. The first few miles were
over a mountain trail, which we were able to follow only with the

Insurrectos ana Indians 159

help of occasional flashes of lightning. All that night and late into
the next afternoon we kept going in order to reach our relay station.
There we snatched a few hours' sleep, spreading our blankets over
the bars of silver and using them as mattresses. This, I need hardly
say, was to ensure their protection, and not because of their comfort
or resiliency.

When we resumed our journey, I was very glad to change from
horseback to buckboard the week before I had slipped in the mine
and hurt my back. Sitting astride a horse was decidedly uncomfort-
able. My team was made up of a horse and a mule. Although we
had only a few hours* start on the Mexicans we never saw them,
but it may have been only because we never took time to look back.
I led the way in the buckboard, while the pack mules were driven
from behind by the Yaqui guard. In record time we reached the
Yaqui River.

In attempting to cross, I found that the recent heavy rains in the
mountains had so increased the depth that it was impossible to ford
the river. I made several attempts to cross with the buckboard where
the river seemed most shallow, but each time the mule, in spite of
much whip cracking and urging, declined to go on when the water
came up to his belly, although the horse, who had less "horse" sense,
was perfectly willing to do so.

I was still trying to make the crossing when a voice hailed me from
the bank. Turning, I saw a man on horseback, who yelled to me in
Spanish that the ford was impassable. When I replied in the same
language he gathered from my accent that I was an American, and
rode down to speak to me. The water in the middle of the river he
said, was well over the animals' heads and the only available ford
was two or three miles farther upstream. The mule's obstinacy was
fortunate for me as well as for the pack animals as they would cer-
tainly have sunk with their heavy loads if they had attempted to fol-
low my team into the river.

I asked my new acquaintance whether he knew an American
named Williams who lived on the other side of the river. He replied
that he was Williams but had recently moved to this side. I then
told him that I was seeking his hospitality; that because I had a large
cargo of silver and a small bodyguard I did not dare proceed after

140 Tne Autobiograpny of JoLa Hays Hammond

dark; and that the Mexicans knew I was traveling en bonanza. He
said cordially that he would be very glad to put me up for the night.
During the course of our conversation that evening it developed
that Williams, a man of about sixty, had originally come from Texas,
where in his early days he had conceived an ardent admiration for
Colonel Jack Hays. When he discovered that I was none other than
the old Ranger chief's nephew and namesake, he at once brought out
the red-eye. The next day Williams and his three powerful sons
took me up the river and escorted me safely to the other side. I
offered to pay them for their trouble but they refused to take any
money; they did, however, ask me to send them some tobacco and
coffee from Guaymas. Naturally, I was glad to do this.

Shortly after crossing the Yaqui River we received word that
American troops had driven the Apaches from Arizona into Mexico,
and that the Indians were massacring people in wholesale fashion as
they came south. We already knew that the Yaqui Indians were
marauding. There was what might be called a twilight zone of'
about thirty miles between the warring Yaqui on our left and the
renegade Apaches on our right. Then, too, we had pursuing Mexi-
cans at our rear. If the Apaches should close in, we planned to edge
over into Yaqui territory, because even "bad" Yaqui were preferable
to the murderous Apaches. I drove my caravan unremittingly and
after three days more of hard riding we reached Guaymas, worn out
but with the silver intact.

After I had delivered the metal to Willard, I told of my meeting
with the Williams family. Willard congratulated me on having
escaped from them alive. When I displayed evident amusement, he
went on to explain that the senior Williams had once been considered
one of the most desperate characters in Texas. After committing a
number of crimes there he had escaped with his family to Mexico,
and no one had since had the courage to cross the border and arrest
him. I suggested that perhaps Williams had dealt gently with me
because I was the nephew of his old hero, Colonel Jack. "Ah," Mr.
Willard remarked at once, "that explains everything."

From the reports of Indian depredations that reached Guaymas I
realized even more strongly than at the time how narrow had been
our escape, and my appreciation of the loyalty of my Yaqui guards

Insurrectos and Indians

was considerably enhanced. These Indians could easily have done
away with me or allowed some "fatal accident" to happen and then
could have taken the silver up into their mountains. As a matter of
fact, until within recent years no military expedition has been able
to expel the Indians from their mountain retreats. The loyalty of the
Yaqui to their employers, however, is well recognized by all Ameri-
cans in Mexico and, indeed, even by their hereditary enemies, the
Mexicans.

This question of stealing was the ever-present problem of every
mining engineer and manager operating in Mexico.

In 1885, accompanied by George W. Starr, manager of the Em-
pire mine of which I was consulting engineer, I made a trip to ex-
amine some mines in the State of Oaxaca, about three hundred miles
south of Pueblo, Mexico. The journey was made alternately by stage,
horseback, muleback, and litera. The litera is a sort of palanquin,
generally in the form of a narrow, coffin-like structure with long
poles at either end, which serve as shafts. It is harnessed to mules
in front and behind, the animal in front being led by an Indian on
horseback. Our litera was the height of luxury, with a canopy to
protect the traveler from rain and sun. It was not uncomfortable,
though the movements of the two mules did not always synchronize.

We made about four miles an hour traveling continuously night
and day over the rough mountain trails. After leaving the city of
Oaxaca, where the great Mexican presidents, Juarez and Diaz, were
born, we passed the ruins of the Maya Indians at Malta, which are
now celebrated because of their archaeological interest.

We also saw the famous tree at Tule, a gigantic cypress, measuring
about a hundred and fifty feet in height, a hundred in girth, and
with a colossal branch spread of a hundred and forty feet. It is sup-
posed to have been standing a thousand years before Columbus dis-
covered America, and to have sheltered Cortez and his soldiers when
they invaded Mexico. The great naturalist and traveler, von Hum-
boldt, had carved his name on the trunk and it could still be seen.

When we arrived at the mines we found that the machinery was
of the most primitive type and practically useless. Every morning
before the mill started, the miners held divine service asking for
heavenly intervention to improve the grade of ore. At the time of

142 Tlxe Autotiograpliy ol Join Hays Hammond

our visit, at least, these prayers were of no avail, for the mine was a
losing proposition. After about ten days of sampling the mine, Starr
and I started on our return trip on horseback to Oaxaca, where we
hired a wagon and a team of four mules to take us to the point where
we could secure literas to carry us across the mountains. Starr occu-
pied a seat within the wagon, I did the driving, and the driver him-
self devoted his energy to securing little rocks to throw at the lead
mules, which he could not reach with the whip he called it feeding
the mules maize.

We had proceeded about fifteen miles when Starr called my atten-
tion to the fact that our baggage, which had been stowed in the rear
of the wagon, had disappeared. Upon examination we found that
the straps and ropes that had securely fastened the baggage had been
cut with a knife. We were not greatly concerned about the clothing
we had lost, but with it were all the samples of ore we had so la-
boriously collected to bring back to the States to be assayed. Unless
we recovered these samples we would have to return to the mine and
resample it, involving a delay of several weeks.

Accordingly we started to retrace our steps. A light rain had just
fallen and we had gone no more than a mile when we saw clearly
marked footprints along the road. This was at a point directly oppo-
site a lane which ran through a patch of sugar cane. The tracks of
the bandits led into this lane and as we stood at its entrance an Indian
came hesitantly toward us. When he reached us at the junction of
the main road he sidled off and started away at a rapid pace. His
manner was definitely suspicious. I unslung my sawed-off shotgun
loaded with buckshot (a Wells-Fargo "messenger" gun), covered
him, and ordered him to come up to our wagon. After I threatened
him with all kinds of dire punishment, he confessed that he knew
where the baggage was hidden. He pointed to a place about three
hundred yards from where we had stopped and said that there were
six haltbreeds hiding there in the sugar cane. I left Starr to watch
the Indian and the driver, in whom I did not have much confidence,
and went to recover the baggage, first cautioning Starr to keep guard
and not to leave the wagon unless he heard the report of my gun.

I went stealthily along the lane until I came to the point where the
footprints led into a dense sugar cane patch and there, not more than

Insurrectos and Indians 143

twenty feet from the lane, were six men sitting on their haunches,
ripping open the sacks containing our baggage. At my unexpected
appearance they started to scramble to their feet but I had my gun
on them and ordered them to stay as they were. One fellow made a
break and struck at me with his machete, narrowly missing me, and
skipped off. I forced the remaining five to repack the ore samples
and precede me in single file to the wagon. Few things proved to
be missing from the baggage, so we dismissed the men with divers
threats and warnings and proceeded to Mexico City, with no more
unpleasant adventures.

Fifteen months in Minas Nuevas had temporarily ruined my
health. I was in a seriously run-down condition, due not only to the
incessant nervous strain I had been under, but also to the lack of
proper nourishment and bodily comforts. I was little better off in
worldly goods, after all my hopes of discovering treasure, but I had
gained much in the way of practical experience. Aside from learn-
ing how to deal withthe Mexican natives and with labor in general,
I had been compelled, in the absence of technical assistance, to famil-
iarize myself with many methods and processes of mining and metal-
lurgy which thereafter were to make me more or less independent
of scientific equipment. Finally, I had Managed to pick up a good
working knowledge of Spanish, which enabled me to keep abreast
of the many mining projects all over Mexico. Thus my sojourn
there gave me, early in my career, a glimpse of the tremendous pos-
sibilities concealed in that little-explored country.

CHAPTER NINE

In .Far Places

HEALTH RESTORED BOSTON AND NEW YORK THE

"PRACTICAL" VERSUS THE TRAINED ENGINEER

THE STRANGE STORY OF AN AMBIGUOUS REPORT THE

GOLD THAT WAS ALWAYS OVER THE HILL HEAD-
WATERS OF THE ORINOCO AND AMAZON THE PRAC-
TICE OF COUVADE LIVING ON THE COUNTRY THE
GOLDEN FISHHOOKS GUATEMALA HURRICANE AND FEVER

fter nearly two years in the

wilds of Sonora I was happy

to feel about me once more the stir and bustle of San Francisco.
Within a week after my return in June, 1883, I was offered the posi-
tion of consulting expert to the public administrator of San Francisco,
Philip A. Roach, in connection with the examination of the Blythe
estate. The fact that Blythe had died intestate made it necessary
to have a public appraisal of his property, much of which consisted
of mines, partly in Trinity County, California, and partly in Nevada.
I was glad to accept this offer as I had saved up little from my salary
in Minas Nuevas, and the generous fee was much needed by my
family.

At this time my wife was in the East, visiting her sister, Mrs. J. P.
Broiderick, at Jamaica Plain, a suburb of Boston. One day, as she
was about to go into the city with our son Harris and his nurse, she
received a check from me. She stopped in to cash it at one of the
Boston banks. As the cashier did not know her, he was naturally

144

In Far Places 145

reluctant to honor it and asked whether she knew anyone who could
identify her. Unfortunately, her entire acquaintanceship was in
Jamaica Plain.

The nurse, Mary Lynch, quick-witted and of course Irish, over-
heard the conversation, and stepping up to the window said, "And ye
don't know that this is Mrs. Hammond?" The cashier replied that
he did not.

Mary then picked up Harris, turned him upside down, and exhib-
iting him back-to at the cashier's window, exclaimed belligerently,
"Well, look at this now!" On the inside of Harris's baby drawers
was printed the name Hammond. The cashier honored the check,
but admitted it was the first time that kind of identification had been
made.

My new job gave me the welcome opportunity of leading a whole-
some outdoor life without serving as a target for someone lurking
behind a cactus plant. While I was examining the mines in Trinity
County, I was invited to stay at the ranch of Mr. John Carr, who was
in charge of the property. On the strength of good milk and butter,
chicken and eggs, the bracing California air, and the motherly care
of Mrs. Carr, I rapidly threw off the ill effects of Mexico and regained
my health. After a month of this pleasant existence I made a brief
excursion into Nevada to inspect a copper mine belonging to the
Blythe estate. Then, anxious for a reunion with my family, I has-
tened east to join my wife and small son.

A few weeks' visit was all the vacation I felt I could afford at this
time. I had long been considering an office in New York. I fully
realized this would cause me great financial inconvenience, since the
cost of living in the East was considerably greater than in San Fran-
cisco; that I would be losing the advantage of my business connec-
tions, those I had inherited and also those I had built up during my
early engineering career in the West. There were serious risks in-
volved, but I recognized the advantage of being near abundant capi-
tal, and I also realized that, if I were fortunate enough to succeed, it
would be on a larger scale than I could hope for in California.
Furthermore, if I were successful in New York, I could thereby estab-
lish a national reputation.

146 Tne Atitomograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

In this situation, in which risk and profit were evenly balanced,
I called to mind the quotation from Browning's Paracelsus:

"Are there not, Festus, are there not, dear Michal,
Two points in the adventure of a diver,
One when, a beggar, he prepares to plunge.
One when, a prince, he rises with his pearl?
Festus I plunge!'*

Thus I plunged, and took an office in the Mills Building. This
building, the most impressive skyscraper of its day, had just been
completed by D, O. Mills.

Mr, Mills, whom I had known as a boy in San Francisco, was one
of the most prominent of the old-time bankers of California. His
large fortune had been made in mining, railroading, and the devel-
opment of many important industries in California, Nevada, and
elsewhere in the Far West. Highly respected for both integrity and
ability, he did more than anyone else in that period to make mining
recognized by eastern investors as a legitimate industry. He was
always one of my strongest backers, even promising his friends that
if they could "get a favorable report from John Hays Hammond"
he would put money of his own into the enterprise.

Not long after launching myself on my professional career, I called
to see my old friend Senator George Hearst at the Hoffman House,
then a famous hostelry, as I knew he would be interested in what I
had been doing. The senator greeted me cordially by asking, "Well,
my young friend, how've you been getting along?"

I replied in what must have seemed a self-satisfied tone, that I was
getting along very well and that I had made no mistakes up to that
time. Then the senator said, "Well, that is splendid as far as it goes,
but have you made any successes?"

Crestfallen, I had to admit that I had not, whereupon he said,
"Now go ahead and make some mistakes, and follow through by
making some successes/'

I did not realize the value of this advice until later in life when I
was thrown professionally in contact with a certain type of engineer
whose highest ambition was to attain the reputation of conservatism.
Men. of that type were conspicuous by not having made any mis-

In Far Places 147

takes, but lacked the daring spirit essential to making a few suc-
cesses.

After an engineer has made large investments which have turned
out profitably for his clientele, he may advise longer shots for that
clientele and take chances that as a younger man he would not have
been justified in doing.

There may be a happy middle of the road which the engineer
should follow between ultraconservatism and too much daring, but
to attain signal success in big enterprises the words of the first
Marquis of Montrose are worth keeping in mind:

He either fears his fate too much,

Or his desires are small,
That dares not put it to the touch,

To gain or lose it all.

In the East I found less prejudice against an educated engineer
than was indicated by Mr. Hearst's earlier attitude when I applied
for a position.

Looking back now, I recognize that there was much justice in what
Mr. Hearst had said about men with a Freiberg degree.

Unfortunately in the preceding generation the educated engineer
was disposed to affect a certain superiority which naturally aroused
the hostility of the so-called practical miner. In my case I was for-
tunate in having been brought up in a western community that
judged a man solely by his achievement. For that reason I succeeded
in getting along well with the practical miner, but I soon realized the
immense advantage of technical training as I observed that a trained
engineer eould in a short time qualify as "practical" in the operation
of mines.

It did not take the educated engineer long to become more pro-
ficient in the handling of pumps and other mining machinery, in
timbering the mines, in the use of explosives, and in the extraction
of ore bodies, than the practical miner himself. And, of course, in
the metallurgical treatment of ores he was immeasurably superior
by reason of his technical knowledge.

It is a commentary on the "practical" miner that he is far more
of a theorist than the "theoretical" mining engineer when he at-

148 Xke Autotiograpky of Jokn Hays Hammond

tempts to explain geological phenomena, for he is not restricted by
scientific considerations from giving free play to a glamorous imagi-
nation.

I was not long in learning that the financial backing I established
through my eastern clientele greatly enhanced my reputation in my
native state, and enabled me to demand and obtain -much higher
fees than would have been the case had I confined my professional
activities to California,

Believing that the "laborer is worthy of his hire/' I exacted from
my clients in the way of fees all that the traffic would bear, or almost
the limit. The technical man, as well as the laboring man, often
has been forced to battle for his rights in this connection.

That this attitude was not unconscionable may be shown by the
relation of the engineer to his employer. It is on the strength of the
recognized integrity, ability, and successful experience of the engi-
neer that capital is invested in mining enterprises. The success or
failure of such enterprise determines the career and future value of
the engineer. He risks his reputation when he submits a report to
his client.

The engineer is not privileged to urge extenuating circumstances
in case of failure. The lawyer may ascribe the loss of his case to an
incompetent judge or to a corrupt jury; the doctor, the loss of his
patient to the will of God; but the engineer must escape the odium
of failure. He must makf good.

That the engineer should be fully requited for the professional
service which has contributed large profits to his employer and the
investing public should not be regarded as grasping or unfair on
his part. The engineer is entitled to a larger part of the 'profits of
the mining industry than the mere promoter, and the lawyer who
organizes the company. This is not advocating professional racket-
eering.

Why should a man who assumes the initial responsibility be de-
prived of a reasonable profit after the enterprise proves successful?
Why should a promoter pocket all the money, because he gets up a
prospectus and gets the people to come in on the strength of the
engineer's reputation? The investor is entitled to his share of the
profits, but the technical man should stand up for his own rights

In Far Places

and be paid well. I have also always maintained that the engineer
has the right to invest in the stock of the company and announce
the fact in the prospectus, provided he will hold on to his stock
until the mine has proved a success.

There are many types of risks which mining engineers must run.
One of the most curious of these hazardous experiences was told me
by Professor W. P. Blake, who, although considered by practical
miners as belonging to the theoretical class of engineers, yet stood
high in the ranks of the profession. Blake was a man a little over
sixty years old, at this time. He was singularly handsome with a
courtly manner of a gentleman of the old school. I had known him
socially for some years past*

One of my clients, the manager of the Wells, Fargo Express Com-
pany in New York, brought me a report made by Professor Blake
on a copper mine located on an island in the Gulf of California not
far from Guaymas. I read over the report quite thoroughly. At
first, I was somewhat perplexed because of its ambiguity. After
reading it more carefully, I told my client it was long-winded and
noncommittal, and consequently he would not be justified in send-
ing me to make an examination of the property.

A few days later I was honored with a visit from Blake, his first
since I had established my office. I surmised why he had called and
braced myself for his indignation. After a few words about our
many mutual friends, he said, "Well, Mr. Hammond, you made a
pretty hard criticism of my report."

All I could say was that I had made my criticism conscientiously
and did not see how I could have done differently under the cir-
cumstances.

He looked at me steadily for a moment. "I wonder what you
would have done in the same situation."

"Fin afraid I don*t know the situation," I replied, a little non-
plused.

There was a pause. Then Blake said;

"Fd like to tell you, if you don't mind.

"A Mr. and Mrs. Williams engaged me to make an examination
of a copper mine. On a certain day I met them, as agreed, in Guay-
mas. They were to take me with them in their small schooner to

150 Tne Autooiograpny of JoLn Hays Hammond

the island on which the property was located, several days' sail away.
An acquaintance of mine who saw me about to board the Williams
boat, called me aside and asked whether I intended to accompany
these people* On my replying in the affirmative, he inquired, 'Do
you know what you'll be up against going with this man and
woman?* I admitted I didn't know anything about them.

"Then he explained. 'She's a notorious murderess. She was tried
for murder, and was accused of dissolving the man's body in nitric
acid. She got off, and later married this Welshman, Williams.'

"I was disturbed over the news, but as the boat was not only about
to sail, but also had all my belongings aboard, and I had accepted
half my fee in advance, there was little else left for me to do. At
the outset of my examination I saw that the property was no good,
but I was in mortal terror that, if I should make an unsatisfactory
report, I would never see my home again. Williams said he expected
to sell it on the strength of my good report but I was convinced,
nevertheless, that he knew it was utterly worthless.

"At the conclusion of the day's work, I was evidently expected
not only to express some kind of opinion but to put it in writing. I
tried to get them to let me take home the data I had gathered and
later submit them a written detailed report. But they evidently
could see the way my mind was working and insisted that it be
completed before we leave the island. We were entirely alone, with
the exception of a few Mexicans, and there was absolutely no com-
munication with the outside world except by their schooner.

"There was only one thing I could do. I wrote a report which
conveyed practically nothing in as many words as possible. I de-
scribed at great length the geology of the mine, entering into many
mineralogical technicalities. Then I described the Indians and their
ancestry, paid a glowing tribute to the climate, and finally added
pen sketches of the scenery. I hoped the noncommittal part of the
report might be overlooked if I magnified the good features, but I
tried to include sufficient qualifications to prevent readers from be-
ing misled. I think it worked.

"I was in the position of Scheherazade in the Thousand and One
Nighu, whose life depended on keeping the sovereign interested and

In Far Places 151

amused* My hosts were entertained as I had planned and at the
same time you were not deceived."

I congratulated him on his shrewdness in getting out of a de-
cidedly delicate situation.

One of the most important of my early commissions came in 1884
when I was employed by New York clients to make an examination
of a reputedly valuable deposit of gold in Colombia. Victor Cerruti,
promoter of the proposed mining deal, went with me on this three
months' trip. Our route took us first to Aspinwall and thence by
rail across the Isthmus of Panama, where we waited a few days for
a steamer bound down the west coast of Colombia. The region now
called the Canal Zone and also the Republic of Panama at that time
belonged, of course, to Colombia.

At the time of my arrival there, French engineers and their swarms
of laborers were dredging a channel through the fever swamps and
digging through the low hills. Yellow fever and malaria were kill-
ing hundreds and taking the heart out of the great de Lesseps enter-
prise. Not lack of courage but fever, imperfect engineering, and
corruption defeated the French, and turned their project into dis-
aster. The canal had to wait for Theodore Roosevelt, Gorgas, and
Goethals.

I was fortunate enough to secure from the French officials a con-
tract for a dredge to.be made by the Union Iron Works of San Fran-
cisco, of which I was then consulting engineer. This dredge was of
such excellent workmanship that it was the only one in good enough
condition to be used when the American government took over tie
construction of the canal.

The original engineering plans of de Lesseps had been to cut a
sea-level canal. When he finally realized, however, that the cost
would be vastly increased and the time required would be much
greater, he adopted the system of locks identical with the plan of
the American engineers when our government took over the com-
pletion of the project. From a military point of view a sea-level
canal would still be desirable, and it is probable that some time in
the future our government will construct a canal through the right
of way already acquired in Nicaragua.

152 Tne A.utotiograpliy of Jonn Hays Hammond

At Buenaventura I was greatly shocked to learn of the death of
my dear friend and classmate, David Root Alden, who had died
about a year earlier from the Chagres fever while constructing a
railroad from Buenaventura to Call. This made me realize keenly
the dangerous nature of this disease which was again epidemic and
hastened my departure for the high lands of the interior. After two
days' travel on horseback, we reached Call where I stopped with
the Cerruti family.

Cerruti himself was one of the wealthiest and most important
merchants in that part of Colombia, His wife, a descendant of
Bolivar, was a highly cultured and charming woman, who had
been educated abroad and spoke several languages fluently. They
had three small children, to whom the mother taught music by
means of a piano which had been brought over the trails from
Buenaventura by pack mules. It was a great surprise to find a home
like this so remote from civilization.

A few years after my parting with Cerruti he was one of the
principals in an international incident. He had been arrested as an
alleged political conspirator against the Colombian government.
As an Italian citizen, he naturally appealed at once to his own
government for help. Warships were immediately sent to make
a demonstration along the coast of Colombia. Direct negotiations
failing, the Colombian and Italian governments submitted the mat-
ter to President Grover Cleveland as arbitrator, and he decided in
favor of Cerruti. Soon afterwards he and his family returned to
Italy. 7

^Leaving Cerruti in Cali, I secured equipment and guides for the
trip in |> the country between the headwaters of the Orinoco and
the AjjSazon. I spent several weeks searching for quartz veins and
placgBcontaining gold, but found no precious metal in quantities
^pftg development. Everywhere I went, however, the natives
" me through my negro guide, who acted as a kind of in-
x, that just over the next rise was a hill of gold. There
Eieji, no maps of the country, and often no trails; sometimes
> M&de for hours waist-deep in the streams to avoid the jungle.
lug| I found no gold, my wanderings were interesting in
Ircs&tcts: I had been where no white man up to that time

In Far Places 153

had ventured; I had stood on top of the continental divide; I had
seen streams flowing to three great rivers, one of which emptied
into the South Atlantic, one into the Caribbean, and one into the
Pacific.

It was in Colombia that I first heard of couvade. I had employed
negro girls, in charge of an elderly negress named Maria, to help
in prospecting work. One day Maria did not report for duty. I
readily understood the reason, as it had been evident that she was
an expectant mother. Within a few days, however, she returned
to her duties.

Coincident with her reappearance came the disappearance of her
husband, a lazy negro who looked after the camp and whose prin-
cipal duty was to see that our beds were free from scorpions and
other dangerous insects. After searching inquiry I ascertained that
he had gone to take charge of the baby in his wife's place and was
lying in bed with the child, receiving calls and congratulations from
the old wives of the village*

Many years later I related my Colombian experiences at a luncheon
given me by Colonel House, at which were Balf our, Lloyd George,
Austen Chamberlain and several other important Englishmen.
Couvade was a custom entirely unknown to these eminent states-
men. Indeed, I have met few men who had heard of the custom,
though the subject is extensively treated in the Encyclopaedia Britan-
nica. Strangely enough, this practice is known to modern anthro-
pologists, and Marco Polo in medieval times came across it in
Chinese Turkestan.

Accompanied by two native guides I penetrated some distance
into the cannibal country of Colombia. The tribe was stated to be
truly cannibalistic; that is, human flesh was used as food and not
merely in the observance of ritual practices. At one time our supply
train failed to meet us as arranged, and for two days we had to
live as best we could. All we had to eat was a kind of coffee bean
toasted in a miner's gold pan. On my return to camp I rode through
a native village from which all the men had departed; there were
left only women, children, and chickens. I tried to buy some of
the chickens, throwing down a silver dollar and expressing my
wishes in a sign language invented for the occasion. As the women

15-4 Tne Aiitomograpliy of Joiin Hays Hammond

refused to sell, 1 shot a chicken and picked it up. A terrible racket
ensued. There came cries of "white devil" from the women. Not
satisfied with terrific howls and shrieks, these inhospitable females
began to pelt us with stones. We stood not upon the order of our
going, but went.

One of the dishes often prepared for me in the wilds was a very
tasty stew. Not inquiring too closely into its ingredients, I found
it excellent and ate it with great gusto until the day I fished up a
small skull a monkey's skull. The revulsion was acute; I lost my
taste for stew,

The most unpleasant experience I had on this trip was when I
started alone with two half-breeds as guides from Cali to Buenaven-
tura. In order to avoid a longer stay than was absolutely necessary
in Buenaventura to await the arrival of the steamer I was to take
for Panama, I delayed my departure from Cali. I had given myself
but little spare time in which to make the trip. After we left Cali
the mozos (guides) began to indulge in too much liquor and be-
came lazy, stubborn, and even impertinent. At times both of them,
against my earnest protest, would jump on the pack mule carrying
my baggage. I was compelled to apply the whip to them to enforce
obedience. Fortunately they carried no gun, their sole weapon be-
ing the machete. If they had dared they would have killed me;
but they were afraid to attempt this, knowing that I was armed.
I spent three sleepless nights in fear of an attack, but I succeeded in
reaching Buenaventura with barely an hour to spare before the
departure of the steamer.

I returned to New York, richer in experience, and with a good
fee, but with no gold discoveries. However, the natives must have
been right in their belief that at one time there had been gold
somewhere in the vicinity. Years later I sent an engineer back to
this same section to examine some of the alluvials with the intent
to start dredging operations. The alluvials were disappointing, not
carrying sufficient gold to warrant commercial exploitation. But in
boring test holes in the bed of a long dried-up stream, the engineer
dug up some gold fishhooks from a depth of about forty feet. Ex-
ceedingly thin and curiously wrought without barbs,, these relics of

In Fax Places 155

a forgotten civilization must have lain hidden for centuries. But
no one could make a fortune out of a few gold fishhooks.

In January of the next year, 1885, I made another prospecting
expedition southward. Some clients of mine, hearing of extensive
auriferous gravels in the northeastern part of Guatemala, had en-
gaged me to examine them.

When I arrived at New Orleans, I found that the regular steamer
from there to Guatemala had been wrecked off Yucatan two weeks
before, and a small one had been put into temporary use. The
moment we reached the Gulf of Mexico we encountered heavy seas,
and by the end of the first day our little craft was obliged to stop
frequently for engine repairs. The second day out the storm greatly
increased in violence.

Besides myself and my assistant, Garthwaite, the only passenger
was a man who was on his way to Guatemala to give exhibitions
of landing by parachute from a balloon. The captain of the steamer,
calling the three of us together, told us quite frankly that we were
in a dangerous position, close off the rugged shore of Yucatan. In
fact, we were near enough to see the wreck of the other steamer.
He intimated that, if our engine trouble became more acute, there
might be some doubt of our being able to survive the storm.

At this the balloonist said, enthusiastically: "Cap, I've got an idea.
My balloon's here on board, and I can gas her up in a few minutes.
With the wind blowing the way it is inshore, it'd be a cinch to take
a half dozen of us off."

I could not see exactly how this was to be accomplished in so brief
an interval, particularly as the ship was rolling and pitching at such
a rate that even the cook could not function in the galley. However,
I was not called upon to put the problem into words because the
captain replied hastily to this interesting offer: "Not on your life.
My crew, especially the niggers, are so frightened already that your
idea would finish them. I'd have a dead crew on my hands and
we'd land in hell."

This was not cheering news but, since there was nothing to be
done about it, I went to my cabin and wrote a short will and farewell
letter to my family. This I carefully placed in a bottle and sealed
it with a cork, ready to throw overboard in the final emergency. Then

156 Tne AutoDiograpny of Joim Hays Hammond

I uncorked another bottle and settled down to read Prescott's Con-
quest of Mexico, a book I have found so diverting on other occasions
as to take my mind off imminent danger and which proved equally
efficacious in this emergency.

Though the steamer was so long overdue that it had been given
up as lost in the storm, we finally arrived safely at Belize in British
Honduras. From there the voyage to Guatemala was uneventful.
My acquaintance with the balloonist naturally ripened during the
voyage. He told me he had been giving exhibitions in New Orleans,
which culminated on Thanksgiving Day with a descent in his para-
chute. The wind had taken him off his course so that he involun-
tarily landed on the roof of a little negro shack. The last thing he
remembered was breaking through the roof and falling on the table,
around which the dusky inhabitants were enjoying their Thanks-
giving meal So surprised and frightened were they that they
jumped up and left him there unconscious for some hours. He was
laid up for several weeks in the hospital and had only just recovered
before starting for Guatemala.

Two years afterwards I met him again, giving an exhibition in San
Francisco. This time he was carried out into the bay in his para-
chute, but was fortunately picked up. At Honolulu, some time later,
his luck deserted him; he was blown far out to sea and was eaten
by sharks before rescuers could reach him.

In order to reach the Guatemalan mines I had been sent to ex-
amine, I had to descend a river in a dugout made from a mahogany
log. As my four natives paddled along, I noted that some of the
wood of the country sank in the water. I was even more interested
to find that the pieces of rock which I broke off floated. They were
pumice stone!

After a long tedious day the monotony of which I relieved by
shooting at alligators, darkness stopped our advance. As our dugout
approached the shore the natives shouted, and I fired my gun re-
peatedly so that the noise might drive off the alligators on the bank
of the riven Then we camped for the night. As it was too dark
and rainy to collect wood and build a fire, we had to be content with
digging into our supply of canned food. Notwithstanding my
fatigue, I could not get to sleep. The monkeys in the trees kept up

In Far Places 157

a continuous chatter. Occasionally they became bold enough to
drop twigs on us; fortunately there were no coconut palms handy.
The next^day we arrived at the place where the promised horses
were waiting, and after two days' ride over marshy ground reached
the gravel deposits.

^ While there was obviously some gold present, there was at that
time no process known which would warrant working the gravel
for such a. small recovery; gold dredging was a subsequent develop-
ment in the treatment of auriferous gravels.

After a few days* work, I was prepared to make my report to my
clients. Garthwaite returned via Guatemala City and the Pacific
coast to San Francisco, while I headed for New Orleans. Before I
started I made a side trip to the wonderful Mayan ruins at Quirigua,
not far from where I was examining the gravels. Although the
ruins were so overgrown by jungle that it was difficult to get much
of a view, what I did see of them overwhelmed me by its grandeur.
My impressions are not so clear as they might have been had I not
fallen ill of a bad case of malaria, and found, to my consternation,
that Garthwaite had carried our medicine kit with him to San Fran-
cisco. My temperature was so high that it was impossible for me to
travel and I was consequently obliged to accept shelter in a little
two-room hut occupied by an entire family of half a dozen negroes.
They gave me a place to sleep on the floor, the only space available.
Although their resources were limited, no one could have exceeded
their kind hospitality, not even in our own South.

In this hovel I remained for two or three days until I had some-
what recovered, and then started out on horseback for Lake Isabel
Although I was so weak that I could not ride more than a mile or
so at a time before dismounting for a rest, I finally reached the lake,
where I was fortunate enough to find a dear old Californian couple
who kept a store. The kindly old lady took me in hand and dosed
me with calomel, quinine, and other medicines and after a few days
I was well enough to resume my trip back to the States.

It was months before I was entirely recovered, and I had to turn
down many opportunities for mine examinations which would have
greatly increased my bank account and, perhaps, my reputation.
Some years later I discussed malaria with Henry M. Stanley, who

158 The Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

headed the expedition sent by the New York Herald to Central
Africa to search for Livingstone. Stanley was exposed to all kinds
of malaria during his life, but he told me that the worst case he
ever had was contracted in the State of Arkansas.

Be that as it may, I am quite content with the memory of the
severity of my own Central American brand!

CHAPTER TEN

All in tke Day a Wort

THE MULATOS SWINBL E I BECOME INTER-
NATIONAL UMPIRE MY COWBOY BODYGUARD-
GENERAL IRELAN OF THE HORSE MARINES A
DANGEROUS EXAMINATION THE SALTER SALTED
THE GREAT DIAMOND HOAX DOWN IN ABAN-
DONED WORKINGS UNDERGROUND BY BOAT

L

C^ ^^ Sono

1890 the Mulatos mines in

Sonora, Mexico, were purchased

from the Aguayo brothers by a syndicate composed of American and
English investors. The price agreed upon was $1,500,000 United
States currency, of which $750,000 was paid over immediately and
the remainder left in escrow to be remitted at regular intervals.

No sooner had the property been taken over by the syndicate
headed by the successful California mining firm of Hayward and
Hobart, than it began to appear that some deception had been prac-
ticed. For example, the mill run at once showed ore of little value.
There could be no doubt as to the integrity of Dan Gillet and Alexis
Janin, the San Francisco mining engineers who had made the exami-
nation on behalf of the purchasers; they would seem to have taken
the usual precautions to verify their tests. Nevertheless, the mill runs
indicated that the sale was a swindle.

The mystery was soon solved. After the original payment had
been made to the Aguayos, one of their Mexican agents in the transac-
tion became dissatisfied with the amount of his commission. Upon
being refused further compensation by his employers, he let the cat

159

160 Xne Autotiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

out o the bag and confessed that the mine had been salted by its
former owners.

Now, there are many ways in which ore can be salted, some of
which are very ingenious. In this case it was done either by insert-
ing a fine tube through the mesh of the sacks in which the expert's
samples had been placed and blowing additional metal dust into the
sacks, or by a solution of the metal injected by a hypodermic needle.
Gold added in this way obviously increased the gold content in these
ore samples upon which the value of the property was estimated.

At this time General John Eagan, who subsequently figured dur-
ing the Spanish-American War in connection with the "embalmed
beef scandal, was stationed at San Francisco. When he heard of
the Mulatos fiasco he immediately communicated with the firm of
Hayward and Hobart. He informed them that he was a close per-
sonal friend of President Diaz and said he felt sure that if it could
be proved to the president's satisfaction that the deal had been an out-
and-out swindle on the part of the Mexicans, Diaz would order a
cancellation of the sale and insist that the money be refunded.

Accordingly, General Eagan was sent to Mexico City to discuss
the matter with Diaz. He explained to the president how carefully
the examination had been made, and that the American firm in-
volved was not only reputable but among the most important in the
United States; that they were in no sense gamblers in mining stock,
but bona fide scientific developers of mining properties. In spite of
having taken the usual precautions, they had been shamelessly
swindled, and the general pointed out that if the injustice were al-
lowed to go unrebuked and unpunished, the logical consequence
would be to keep American money out of Mexico, and perhaps
English as well, for English investors were associated with the Hay-
ward and Hobart firm.

This touched Diaz's cardinal policy. He told Eagan that if it could
be clearly shown that the Mulatos ore was of such inferior grade that
it could not be worked profitably, and was far below the grade indi-
cated by the syndicate's own experts, he would compel the Aguayos
to refund the money already advanced and would order a legal can-
cellation of the sale. The fact that the Aguayo brothers belonged to

All in tke Day s Wort 161

the anti-Diaz political faction in Sonora accounted perhaps for this
responsiveness to General Eagan's appeal.

When Eagan returned with this assurance, the syndicate naturally
made haste to follow it up. To prove the honesty of its intentions,
the syndicate offered to defray the cost of examination by a disin-
terested expert whom Diaz was asked to name. To my gratification,
Senor Romero Rubio, the Mexican minister at Washington, presently
notified me that I had been selected, and formally invited me to
undertake the mission-
As I had not met Diaz, I could not imagine how I had come to be
chosen. Eventually I learned that Senor Rubio, who in addition to
being Mexican minister at Washington was also Diaz's father-in-
law, had applied to James G. Elaine, then our secretary of state, for
advice on the matter, and Elaine's recommendation of me had been
accepted by Diaz.

The affair was given much publicity, not only because of the fraud,
but also on account of the appeal to the president of Mexico. In
Sonora the excitement was intense, for the Aguayo brothers through
subsidized newspapers and circular letters had spread the report that
they were being victimized by unscrupulous gringos who, with char-
acteristic Yankee cunning, were endeavoring to impose upon the
trusting minds of the poor Mexicans.

I realized that the trip would be attended by considerable per-
sonal danger, for the Aguayos would certainly not be disposed to let
me stand between them and their fraudulently secured gains. Never-
theless, I lost no time in accepting the offer. By chance, I talked over
the expedition with General Alexander McDowell McCook, one of
the famous fighting McCooks, who was stationed in California at
that time. General McCook was not only a friend of mine but he
was also a close friend of Governor Luis Torres of Sonora, and he of-
fered to secure an escort of Mexican soldiers to accompany me to the
mines. I thanked the general for his suggestion but declined the of-
fer, recalling Juvenal's question, "Quis cmtodiet ipsos custodes?"
One might well ask who would guard the guards themselves when
one had to do with the military arm of Mexico.

I still felt that it would be unwise to make the trip into Mexico
alone; therefore, through Dominick Broden, a cowboy I had known

162 Tie Autobiography of John Hays Hammond

in Arizona, I secured a bodyguard of American cowboys. Although
only eight in number, they constituted an army. Each in himself
was sufficiently bold and adventurous to storm Chapultepec, while
the notches on the pistols typified their standing in the matter of ex-
pert use of firearms. From the governor of California I obtained
leave of absence for the state mineralogist, William Irelan. This man
was noted far and wide through the West for his integrity, his great
skill as an assayer, and his vast, irrepressible good-nature.

Having finally made up a party which seemed formidable enough
to brave even the wrath of the Aguayos, and having completed care-
ful preparations, we set forth.

Even before leaving American territory there occurred a humorous
prelude to the more startling adventures that were to follow across
the border. When, at the time appointed for the start, we met in
the little town of Benson, Arizona, we discovered that we should be
obliged to pass the night there; no train left for Ortiz Station be-
fore morning. I immediately hastened to the one and only hotel,
where a supercilious young clerk flatly informed me that he could
give none of the party accommodations. The cowboys, of course,
did not matter; they would not have known what to do with a hotel
bedroom if they had had one. But I knew that Irelan, of Falstaffian
figure and unused to roughing it, would not take kindly to the idea
of passing the night on the floor.

Since soft persuasion did not affect the clerk's obduracy, I had to
resort to guile. Accordingly, I assured him that, so far as I was con-
cerned, I did not care what happened, but I did hope that he would
"be able to find comfortable quarters for General Irelan."
The clerk swallowed the bait completely.
"What?" said he, no longer indifferent. "You don't mean the
famous General Irelan!"

I replied that, as I knew of no other individual by that name, it
must be the same.

"And who are you ?" asked the clerk.

Willing by that time to go to any length, I promptly said I was
the general's private secretary.

The clerk thereupon disappeared and presently returned with the
proprietor, who demanded visible proofs o my association with

All in tte Day's Wort 163

greatness. Together we went out to the general, who was placidly
sunning himself. He gazed upon us benevolently while the de-
lighted proprietor introduced himself and hastened to assure his
honored guest that, if he would consent to wait for a few hours, he
and his secretary would be well provided for. The general acquiesced
with entire complacence, and when we returned from a stroll we
found ourselves ensconced in no less a spot than the proprietor's own
room, with a delicious meal awaiting us.

Seldom, if ever, had I realized what possibilities lie in titles, while
that of "general" was particularly one to conjure with in the Indian-
fighting West of those days. At any rate, I had conjured well As
a matter of fact, so successfully had I wrought that my friend was
known far and wide as General Irelan until the day of his death.

Just across the border at Nogales, I was met by a Mexican who had
been a classmate of mine at Freiberg, Baudelio Salazar. He begged
me earnestly not to make the trip to Mulatos because he was well ac-
quainted with the Aguayo brothers and knew that they were des-
perate. He told me, although I was already fully aware of it, that
they had succeeded in inflaming public sentiment against the syndi-
cate, and that for me to proceed with the examination under such
circumstances would be suicidal. He was so determined that I
should not go on that he threatened to wire my wife, telling her the
true nature of the risks I was running.

I reasoned with Salazar that it was now too late to alter my plans;
that to turn back at this point would be a confession of rank coward-
ice; and that, finally, an immense amount of money was involved in
the result of the examination, to say nothing of my own reputation.
No matter what happened, I must proceed.

First, I went alone to Guaymas to see my old friend Alexander
Willard with whom I desired to discuss plans, and whose help I
needed in outfitting the expedition. He, too, warned me of the
dangers attending the trip, 'and urged me especially to take every
precaution against the chance of my wild cowboys becoming em-
broiled with Mexican soldiers. They were such a mad crowd that
at any moment -the eight of them might take it into their heads to
declare war on all Mexico. Furthermore, if they did too much drink-

164 Tne Autooiograpliy of Jonn Hays Hammond

ing and got into a brawl with the soldiery, it might give the Mexican
government cause to interfere.

Since it had been stipulated that the examination must take place
within a limited period, now almost expired, we had no time to lose*
To hasten matters, it was arranged that Willard was to telegraph
the result of the examination to Diaz as soon as I returned to Guaymas
with my report. The following day I found myself once more at
the all-too-familiar Ortiz Station, whose agent was considerably
more sober than his predecessor had been.

Although constantly on guard to keep the cowboys from getting
into trouble with any of the Mexicans, I knew they were fairly itch-
ing for a chance to start something. One night we camped near a
place where tequila was manufactured. The cowboys had a very
sociable evening and it was with difficulty that I got them together
next morning for an early start. In fact, I had to go around and
kick them out of their blankets, one by one. Just as the outfit was
ready to break camp, I noticed a large demijohn strapped on top of
the baggage on one of the mules. I asked the cowboys what was in it.

They answered cheekily, "We'll give you two guesses."

"One's enough !" I said. I pulled out my pistol and the demijohn
disappeared in a shower of glass.

To the accompaniment of indignant shouts, the tequila ran to the
ground. Before the boys had had time to work themselves up into
any concerted action, I read them the riot act and gave them to
understand that I was running the party and would have no non-
sense.

Shortly after leaving the railroad we learned that a regiment of
Mexican troops had been sent down to the border of the Yaqui coun-
try to suppress a new Indian uprising. Since our route lay near the
scene of trouble, I decided to spend the second night after we left
Ortiz Station as near as possible to the Mexican encampment. Re-
calling the magical effect of the title of "general," I sought out the
colonel in command, introduced myself to him, and asked him
whether he would have any objection to General Irdan and his party
spending the night at his headquarters.

With great animation he replied: "On the contrary, I shall be

All in tke Day's Work 165

delighted to meet General Irdan. I have often heard o him and
will do whatever I can to make his stay here comfortable."

In due time, therefore, I presented the general himself, having
prepared him for the cordial reception he might expect It was not
necessary for me to impress upon him the official dignity and mar-
tial air he should exhibit. Indeed, before the evening was over I
suspected that after the many toasts he had drunk to the prosperity
of our sister republic, Irelan would have looked patronizingly upon
George Washington himself.

It was long after midnight when we adjourned to the tent pro-
vided for our sleeping accommodations. Between Irelan's snoring
and the near-by military band which indefatigably played in our
honor, I had but little sleep. When we left in the morning the
colonel gave his military colleague an open letter to all Mexicans,
bespeaking their cordial hospitality for "the great American Gen-
eral Irelan, a sincere friend and admirer of Mexico/*

Things went well the first day out; the country proved level and
the general was being conveyed in a comfortable buckboard. But
on the following day we reached a more rugged country where the
only routes were by mountain mule trails. There we found await-
ing us a huge mule, especially selected because of his strength, on
which the general was to be transported over the dangerous trails.
In spite of Ireland many attainments, he had never learned to ride.
Consequently, we were confronted with the serious problem of how
to get him upon a mule, since his unwieldy bulk was hardly suited
to the ordinary ways of mounting.

We finally evolved the following method: We selected a large
boulder which we assisted the general to climb, and finally located
the mule as close underneath as possible. The plan then was for
the great man to descend into the saddle from this point of vantage.
The mule, with characteristic perversity, had his own ideas, how-
ever. At the critical moment he was inspired to move out of reach
of the general's right leg the general was handicapped by unusually
short legs. We had many rehearsals, and it was necessary to try
four or five different boulders and to push the mule within reach by
main force applied from the off 'side before ultimate success was at-
tained. The total force of cowboys was eager, of course, to lend

166 Xne Autooiograplry of Jonn Hays Hammond

their assistance to this noble endeavor until finally, all of us work-
ing shoulder to shoulder, we mounted the general.

To dismount or rather, to be dismounted was an even, more
dangerous experience for him, as when riding he could retain his
equilibrium by holding on to the pommel of the saddle. He would
finally come to earth in a huge tottering mass; then, his fatigue
overcoming him, he would sink to the ground and there lie ex-
pressing his exhaustion in pitiful groans. It was always a consider-
able time before he felt able once more to resume an upright position.
After watching this exhibition of horsemanship, the Mexicans we
had employed as mozos came to me and asked if an American gen-
eral could not usually ride better than that. I was afraid they might
discover that Irelan was only a make-believe, but I succeeded in
banishing all suspicion by explaining that he was a general in the
navy, belonging to the Marine Corps. Under the circumstances, I,
of course, did not mention the horse marines*

When, we arrived at Mulatos we were given an unfriendly recep-
tion by the inhabitants of the little village clustered about the mine*
Consequently my examination, which was chiefly confined to the
large vein on the outcrop, had to be made under an armed guard
of cowboys.

Here, as in the majority of Mexican mines, there were no ladders;
one had to climb notched poles made from trees six or eight inches
in diameter, into which grooves had been cut to give the miner a
foothold. These poles were tilted slightly and supported in the
shaft by scaffoldings made from light timber. The Mexican miners
preferred these chicken ladders, as we called them, to American lad-
ders. Since they went barefoot, or wore flexible garauches, the rungs
of our type of ladders were difficult and painful for them to nego-
tiate, particularly when carrying heavy loads on their heads. In
time the notches became smooth from constant wear, and were con-
sequently ill adapted to American boots.

After ten days of working from early morning until dusk, I com-
pleted my survey, and Irelan was ready with his assays on the value
of the ore. The results of our examination confirmed the fears of
the syndicate. We found that the large ore bodies which had been
represented as carrying gold to the extent of several dollars per ton

All in tke Day's Work 167

in reality contained but a few cents per ton. The sale had un-
doubtedly been a complete swindle.

Owing to the threats made against us, on the night preceding our
departure we slept in the company's office, well barricaded. Many
drunken Mexicans passed shouting, "Mata los gringos!" which we
all understood was no idle gesture. The next morning I called the
cowboys together and told them we would leave immediately after
lunch. They protested at this, pointing out that the trails were very
slippery, which was undoubtedly true since it had been raining for
days. To strengthen this argument, they insisted it would be fool-
hardy to attempt to travel after dark. In efiect, they flatly refused
to leave that day. I was well aware of the reason behind their ac-
tions: each and every one of them had a generous-hearted senorita
who had promised him the evening.

As time was a serious consideration, I informed the cowboys,
equally flatly, that the expedition would start at two o'clock, and
that those who were not at hand would have to foot it back, since I
would be taking all the saddle animals with me.

Realizing I meant exactly what I said, but breathing all sorts of
threats and in an ugly mood, the cowboys reported on time.

Our return trip began in a heavy tropical rain. We kept on
throughout the first night with the help of our guide, Jimmy Owen,
a little Virginian who had been in that country many years and
who knew every cow path in -the region. Instead of taking the
usual mule road, we followed the devious cow trails. These were
often used to smuggle gold out of the country to avoid its being
stolen by revolutionists.

At intervals I could hear some of the cowboys damn me for a
fool tenderfoot in attempting to get over the mountain under such
adverse conditions. When in the dark a projecting limb of a tree
nearly dismounted some rider, there was an especial outburst of
profanity. It was as much as I could do to restrain myself from re-
plying to some of their taunts, but I decided that, in such a situa-
tion, silence was golden. About four o'clock in the morning we
stopped for a cup of coffee, and then pushed on until noon when
we rested and had a substantial meal. By feeding the cowboys well
I kept them from becoming mutinous.

168 Tne Autobiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammoncl

When we arrived at Guaymas after a fast "record" trip of four
and a half days, I handed my report to Willard, who immediately
transmitted it to President Diaz. It amply confirmed the statement
of the American and English syndicate that the property had been
salted, and in due course Diaz compelled the Aguayo brothers to
take back the property and restore the payments already made on
account.

It was such instances of justice and fair-mindedness that made
the Diaz government respected by the world at large as no other
Mexican government had ever been.

Salting mines was by no means confined to Mexico; in our own
country the practice was equally prevalent. The methods employed
were often exceedingly clumsy, but occasionally were remarkably
clever.

One primitive means of salting was to load a shotgun with gold
dust and then shoot it into the quartz where the face of the vein
was exposed. The expectation was that the engineer would break
off samples from some of these salted faces and use them for assay-
ing. In other cases, where the face of the ore was wet and muddy,
the practice was to gouge out the original quartz and replace it
with ore showing a much richer gold content. Then the whole face
of the vein was mucked over so that the counterfeit section would
not show. More difficult to detect was the method by which gold
was dissolved in acids and the mixture sprayed not only on the
quartz, but also on the dump containing recently mined ore.

Other attempts, even more intricately devised, have been made to
salt mines. For example, a small core of gold has been inserted in
the pestle to be used by the assayer, or gold dust has been placed in
the cigarettes smoked by the helper who then purposely allowed the
ash to drop into the samples.

Although punishment for salting is now provided by law, in the
old days there was no penalty involved beyond the loss of the gold
used in the deception. Under any conditions, salting resembles coun-
terfeiting. The engineer, like the government expert, must, in 1 self-
defense, by his own scientific methods detect any attempt at fraud.
He has now developed means of protection more efficient than any
method of salting can surmount; in fact, any prominent engineer-

All in tlie Day'* Wort 169

ing firm which today allowed itself to be taken in by a salted mine
would be the laughingstock of the profession.

I recall one case of salting in a California mine I was sent to
examine. Before reaching the mine a friend living in the com-
munity had informed me that its Italian owner had an unenviable
reputation, and warned me that he would probably make an at-
tempt to salt my samples.

I was received cordially enough on my arrival and given a delicious
Italian dinner.

There was a broken-down old wreck of a mill operating on the
property and the owner was suspiciously insistent on having the
test for the value of the ore made by a mill run, which, if honestly
conducted, would have been admittedly more satisfactory than the
ordinary method of sampling and assaying. Ostensibly to guard
against fraud, I placed my own millman in charge, and posted
notices that no one would be allowed inside the building. I then
selected sections in the mine from which I had the ore extracted by
the workmen and sent to the mill The owner, evidently assuming
that I was a novice in my profession, dropped gold in the cars which
carried the ore to the mill. Meanwhile, I was personally getting
another set of samples which I carefully sealed in sacks and sent by
Wells-Fargo to an assay office in San Francisco.

The owner asked me pertinently why I needed the extra samples,
which in the aggregate amounted to only a few hundred pounds.
He said the tests of the hundred tons of ore then going through his
mill would give a much better idea of the value than the small sam-
ples I had selected. To this I assented but astutely pointed out that
his rattletrap mill might not be able to effect the proper extraction
of the gold, and, in case the returns should fall below his statements
as to the value of the ore, my samples would prove useful.

When I had finished my sampling and had run about a hundred
tons of ore through the mill, the mill returns were exceedingly high.
The salting had been most effective. I had made what is called a
cleanup in the mill, and carried away the amalgam; that is, the gold
included in the quicksilver used to extract gold from ore. In San
Francisco I had the amalgam retorted, and obtained therefrom a
large ingot of gold. A computation showed that the ore, judged

170 Tke Autobiography of Jonn Hays Hammond

by the mill returns, amounted to the unusually high figure of twenty
dollars a ton, while the assays I had made showed the value to be
slightly over one dollar a ton. I presented the ingot to my clients,
who were happy to find that its value covered not only my fee
but also all other costs involved in the examination of the mine
and left a dividend to provide a banquet for the prospective vic-
tims. I then wrote my report, showing exactly how the salting had
been conducted, and exposing the owner's dishonesty. According
to previous arrangements, this report was forwarded to him by my
clients,

The mine owner was furious and threatened to bring suit for
recovery of the value of the gold bar. I wrote him that the less he
said about the nature of the examination and of my report, the
better chance he would have to swindle some less suspicious victim.
He evidently agreed with me in this, since he made no further at-
tempts to recover the gold bar in dispute. This was a good case of
the salter salted.

The only mining swindle comparable to that of the Mulatos mine
was the great diamond hoax in 1872. Two rascally mining pros-
pectors had bought in England several thousand diamonds in the
rough, all of them small, and had planted them in an almost in-
accessible part of Wyoming. They succeeded in having a company
formed in San Francisco, on the directorate of which were many of
the most prominent business men of California.

The examination and favorable report on the diamond area by
Henry Janin caused the greatest excitement, and there was a rush
to acquire shares in the company. Clarence King had been over
this ground a short while before for the United States Geological
Survey and had found no diamondiferous formation. If he missed
it, he had committed a serious error. Since his reputation as a
geologist was at stake, he went back to make a re-examination. It
took him little time to discover what had occurred. He proved con-
clusively that everyone connected with the affair had been duped.
Taking with them the hundred thousand dollars they had deftly
gathered from the public, the prospectors had disappeared. The
shrewd business men of California were 50 abashed over the way

All in tLe Day'* Wort 171

they had been fooled that they judged it unwise to advertise their
shame by making too great an effort at pursuit.

The ordinary difficulties experienced by engineers in examining
mines are greatly increased when exploring abandoned workings.
For example, there is always danger because of the possible caving in
of earth, the falling of loosened timbers, or the breaking of rotting
ladders. Another unpleasant feature is the omnipresent animal life.
Engineers have often found a dead coyote, occasionally even a live
one, that had fallen into old mine workings, and the pits are almost
always crawling with reptiles, frequently rattlesnakes or scorpions.

On one occasion an assistant of mine in Johannesburg, J. A. Chal-
mers, English geologist, whom I had taken with me to Rhodesia,
was lowered to the bottom of a mine shaft about thirty feet deep by
two Matabele workers. When he reached bottom lie saw an adder
ready to strike. Chalmers signaled to the men above, yelling to
hoist him up. After he had been raised about ten feet or so, his
foot slipped out of the noose and he fell back to the bottom of the
shaft. The two natives were greatly alarmed and hastened for help
to a neighboring prospect of white men, who came as quickly as
possible. One of the white men was lowered to the bottom of the
shaft to see what was the trouble. He found Chalmers unconscious.
With difficulty they hauled Chalmers to the surface and he was
taken immediately to the nearest mining hospital where it was
found that several of his ribs were broken. It was some time before
he recovered consciousness, and he then told those about him of his
seeing an adder in the shaft. The serpent did not hit him when
it struck. The white man who had gone to his rescue saw nothing
of the adder, and was greatly surprised to hear the story. Since
Chalmers was a total abstainer, he could not have seen snakes through
excessive drinking. Now the question is, what became of the adder ?
The most plausible explanation is that the snake was as much alarmed
as Chalmers and sought refuge in some crack of the shaft.

In 1886 I went to an abandoned district, a long day's drive from
the town of Magdalena on the Nogales-Guaymas railroad. My only
companion was the prospective seller, an American mine promoter*
When we reached die mine at dusk we found that the provisions
and water that were to have been supplied had not been left for us.

172 Tne Autooiograpiiy of Jonn Hay$ Hammond

The promoter at once started back to the nearest village to get food
while I was left alone for the night, about thirty miles from any
habitation.

The mine was located in a limestone district full of great caverns,,
alive with bats, which made it extremely difficult for me to sample
the ore bodies. The bats swooped against my candles, sometimes
putting them out and always spattering me with hot grease. For
hours I worked away in the passages and caves with no company but
these objectionable squeaking, fluttering creatures.

Frequently during the night I climbed to the surface of the mine
for relief from the fetid air. I took particular pains not to venture
far from the shaft, because Indians had recently been active in the
neighborhood. The stark solitude of the desert spread for miles
about me under the starlit heavens, and the silence was unbroken
save for the occasional sharp bark of a coyote. In my loneliness the
night seemed unending.

The mine promoter returned with food in the morning, and in
two days more I finished my work and went back to Magdalena.
There I was paid two hundred and fifty Mexican pesos in coin to
cover traveling expenses. The peso, then worth fifty cents, is larger
than our silver dollar, and I had to carry this great weight of money
with me out of Mexico.

The night I took the train for Nogales a fiesta was being held at
the border and the coaches were filled with drunken Mexicans.
There were no Pullman cars, and I had to sit in a day coach. Loaded
down with the silver coins, and in constant dread lest their jingle
betray the fact that I had this treasure on my person and so make
me a good prospect for abduction, I sat like a statue through the
whole night but, with my usual luck, escaped notice and reached
Nogales in safety.

Mexican mines are not the only ones which have afforded me
exciting moments. One of my most hazardous experiences occurred
in the examination of the Pioche mine in eastern Nevada. In former
days the Pioche had been a well-known silver-mining camp, but
water from underground springs seeped into the mine in such quan-
tities as to make pumping expensive. The rising level of the water

All in tke Day'* Wort 173

and the dropping price of silver caused a cessation of work. The
mine had been closed for twelve years prior to my visit in 1890.

Accompanied by my assistant, E. A. Wiltsee, I made a trip to the
mine in the dead of winter to ascertain for my clients if any mining
possibilities remained.

The Pioche district was about a hundred miles from Milf ord, Utah,
then the nearest station. From there Wiltsee and I drove into Pioche
in an open buckboard on which runners had been substituted for
wheels because of the deep snow. It was a bitterly cold trip and,
in spite of my huge buffalo overcoat, I was nearly frozen. We were
frequently obliged to slow up the horses so that one or the other
of us might get out and run alongside to keep our blood in circu-
lation.

When we finally reached our destination, I found that prepara-
tions had been made for my examination; the old engine had been
rigged up so that we could descend to the bottom of the shaft in an
iron bucket.

About daylight Wiltsee and the foreman, who had formerly been
in charge of the mine, and I were carefully lowered in the shaft. The
hoisting engineer, fortunately, was competent to exercise the req-
uisite care to prevent the rope's swinging too far from side to side
in the shaft and possibly knocking loose rocks or timbers on us.
After considerable difficulty, we reached the twelfth or water level,
and managed to get out the eight-foot collapsible canvas boat which
we had in the bucket with us. By the light of our candles, we
opened and floated the boat; then we climbed in and started for
the interior of the mine.

Before getting into the boat, however, I found that the water was
about six feet deep. Wiltsee was six feet four and could walk safely
with the water only up to his neck, while it would be over my head
and swimming would be out of the question. I told him, therefore,
that if the boat sank I would depend upon him to keep cool and let
me put my hand on his shoulder until I could work along the level
to a place of safety. This prospect appeared to perturb him exceed-
ingly; his face loomed white and distressed out of the darkness. I
added that, if in an emergency he showed any signs of seeking his

174 The Autooiograpny of Join Hays Hammond

own safety without reference to mine, I should have no compunction
in grabbing him firmly around the neck.

Luckily, our maps of the underground workings were accurate
and with their aid we reached our objective. Since we had to navi-
gate about half a mile through water which at the beginning reached
almost to the top of the level, we were obliged to crouch down and
propel the boat by pushing on the roof of the tunnel, while at the
same time trying to keep it from bumping into any jagged rocks
along the sides. There was additional danger that buckled rails
might puncture the canvas. Wiltsee was greatly relieved when after
a half mile he discovered that the water was so shallow that it would
not come above my shoulders.

By such slow method of locomotion we came to the end of the
level, where we found an upraise: a little shaft which connected the
twelve hundred with the eleven hundred foot level. After fastening
our boat and climbing up this raise, we were able to gain access to
the old workings of the mine.

We had estimated that it would take about two days to finish the
examination and had taken with us only our lunch, intending to re-
turn to the surface in the late afternoon, and then to make a final
trip the following day. By the time we had reached the eleventh
level, however, we realized that the difficulties and dangers were
too great to warrant a second trip. We decided to work right through
until the examination had been completed. For a long time we were
obliged to crawl through narrow drifts and crosscuts, and in this
fashion covered several thousand feet of underground investigation.
About midnight we completed the examination and started back
for the main shaft in our boat. Proceeding with the greatest caution,
we reached the bottom of the shaft from which we had disembarked
in the early morning. There we abandoned the boat, hauled our-
selves into the bucket, and, after much shaking of the rope, attracted
the attention of the engineer on the surface. Several loose rocks fell
about us as we ascended very slowly but, by standing on the rim of
the bucket, and each using one hand to keep it from touching the
sides of the shaft, we prevented it from catching on any of the pro-
truding timbers. We had had enough of the water below and cer-

All in tLe Day'* Work 175

tainly would have been averse to being dumped into it from any
great height.

At last we reached the surface, to find a cold, sparkling, starlit
night. As we stepped into the icy air, we were met by a dozen or
more people assembled from neighboring farms. After waiting for
many hours beyond the time of our expected return, they had about
given us up for lost. Although our courage had held out all through
the dangerous experience, it was a great relief to find ourselves again
on the earth's surface. It required several stiff drinks to produce the
necessary favorable reaction.

While recovering my spirits, I was alarmed afresh by the news of
a messenger's having been sent to the nearest telegraph station to
wire the newspapers that I had met with disaster in the mine. I im-
mediately despatched another messenger with a telegram to my wife
advising her that I was well and would be at home in a few days.
I gave this rider instructions to break all records for speed, and so
well did he accomplish his task that my wife received my message
before the newspapers published their harrowing story.

CHAPTER ELEVEN

Grass Valley ana the Coeur a!AJ

ene

GRASS VALLEY FINDING A LOST VEIN AND
DEVELOPING A FAMOUS MINE A SMALL FEE
AND A LARGE ONE THE BUNKER HILL AND
SULLIVAN THE APEX RULE I TACKLE YELLOW
DOG SMITH BLACKMAIL LITIGATION THE
TEST OF A WONDERFUL MEMORY KELLOGG's

BURRO WEALTH OF THE COEUR D^ALENE

STRIKES AND MARTIAL LAW THE AMAZING STRAT-
EGY AND COURAGE OF A PINKERTON DETECTIVE

Xn 1884 I became consulting
C ^^ engineer to the mining de-
partment of the Union Iron Works of San Francisco, the largest
on the Pacific coast. I retained this connection for nine years
until I went to South Africa and it offered me the opportunity to
make a thorough study of the production costs of mining machinery.
Later, when my duties included the ordering of equipment worth
millions of dollars, this knowledge was of great economic value.
One of my problems was the devising of methods by which machin-
ery could be delivered to mills and smelters in the mountain regions
of Mexico and South America, where the only means of transpor-
tation was by mule. We overcame this difficulty by planning the
packing of the machinery into sections, each of which weighed no
more than three hundred pounds, in other words, the loading
capacity of the average mule. Airplanes have developed this idea

176

Grass Valley and tie Coeur cTAlene 177

still further and have carried great dredges, piece by piece, to the
most inaccessible parts of New Guinea where they have been re-
assembled and are now operating.

Among other services I rendered to this company was assistance
in securing for them the contract to build the battleship Oregon,
famous in the naval battle during the war with Spain. It was
through my collegemate, Walker Elaine, that Irving M. Scott, gen-
eral manager of the Union Iron Works, was presented to James G.
Elaine, at that time secretary of state. Secretary Elaine appreciated
the importance of having a battleship constructed on the Pacific
coast, and of establishing shipyards at San Francisco. It was a wise
decision on the part of the government to award the Union Iron
Works the contract, though their bid was not the lowest one
received.

The last time I saw Walker Elaine was when I visited his home
in Augusta, Maine, in the middle eighties, after my return from
Colombia. I was on my way to examine some gold mines in Nova
Scotia and Walker met me in Boston and accompanied me as far as
Augusta. He asked me to visit him on my return from Nova Scotia
and I accepted his invitation.

A few hours before my train reached Augusta on my return trip
I was handed a telegram from James G. Elaine telling me that
Walker had been called away for a day or two to visit a friend who
was seriously ill, but that he would endeavor to entertain me until
his son returned. Mr. Elaine met me at the railway station in
Augusta in a one-horse buggy and after showing me the interesting
sights of the town drove me to his home.

At this time there was considerable tension between the United
States and Canada over fishing rights. I had got all the informa-
tion I could on this subject, hoping to impress Mr. Elaine with my
knowledge. A favorable opportunity came one evening at dinner
when there were present several men prominent in Republican
politics in Maine, I was very impatient lest the conversation would
not turn to the fishing controversy, but finally it did and I gave quite
a discourse embodying extensive statistics. The guests seemed in-
terested in what I had to say. Mr. Elaine then took up the sub-
ject and was very considerate in exposing my superficial knowledge.

178 Trie -Automograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

I felt gready embarrassed, but I am sure I profited by the tin-
pleasant experience.

I had thought that at least on the subject of the western silver-
mining industry I could tell Mr. Elaine a thing or two, but during
the next few days I discovered to my surprise that he had intimate
knowledge of that subject also. This was my first meeting with
Mr. Elaine, and we became friends. He afterwards showed his
friendly interest in my professional career as evidenced by the help
he gave me when I was consulting engineer of the Union Iron
Works.

Up to 1884 1 had been called in as a mining expert by many mine
owners for whom I had examined and reported on properties in
different parts of this country, as well as in Mexico and South
America. In addition, I had been in charge of actual operations at
Minas Nuevas.

My first position as a consulting mining engineer came in 1885.
I was much pleased that it was for the Original Empire mine in the
same Grass Valley district of California where I had made my first
notes on mining practice after returning from Freiberg.

In addition to the Union Iron Works and the Original Empire
mine, I soon had engagements of the same character for the North
Star mine, the California Mining Bureau, and the Central Pacific
and Southern Pacific railroads. Since these varied activities re-
quired that I spend much time in California, I decided to move my
family back to San Francisco. It was there that my second son,
John Hays Hammond, Jr., was born in 1888. I still retained my
office in New York, and made frequent trips there to keep in touch
with eastern clients.

My work in connection with the North Star was both interesting
and profitable. This mine had once been highly productive, but the
vein had been lost at a depth of a thousand feet, and thereafter for
ten years the mine had been abandoned as dead. My friend, Wil-
liam B. Bourn, of San Francisco, owner of the first successful quartz
mine in Grass Valley the Original Empire, had been offered an
option on the neighboring North Star. Not caring to take all the
risk himself, he had asked my first client, Alexander Stoddard, to
cooperate with him in the endeavor to reopen the property. I, as

Grass Valley and tke Coeur d'Alene 179

the representative of Mr. Stoddard, accordingly made an examina-
tion of the deepest accessible levels, which convinced me that the
faulted vein could easily be found and in all likelihood would de-
velop valuable ore shoots. Basing their action in reopening the mine
on my favorable report, Bourn and Stoddard engaged me as manager.

My judgment of the mine's potentialities proved accurate. After
we had installed pumping and hoisting machinery, sunk the old
incline shaft deeper, and run levels, we easily picked up the lost
vein. Then we leased an old ten-stamp mill in the neighborhood,
to which we hauled the ore. Within two years we had made enough
profit to begin operations on a large scale and to warrant the erec-
tion of a modern thirty-stamp mill, the first one I built. The North
Star proved a great success and produced many millions of dollars
in dividends for its lucky shareholders. It was recently consoli-
dated with the Original Empire and is still being profitably
operated.

Shortly after the mill was completed, the property was sold to
James D. Hague, a distinguished engineer, and his eastern clients.
I resigned as manager, but continued as consulting engineer for
the North Star, and the Original Empire as well.

From the beginning of our association Hague, Bourn^ and I
proved congenial spirits. We spent our time, as Hague expressed
it, "with quartz by day and pints by night." The new owner, how-
ever, although most cultivated and delightful and an accomplished
engineer of wide experience, did not have "a nose for a mine.'* This
is well illustrated by what happened when Mr. and Mrs, Bourn, my
wife, and I went on a vacation to the Yosemite Valley to enjoy some
of the profits made in the sale of the North Star. We had not been
gone long when I was overtaken by a frantic telegram from the
unhappy Hague,

PIPELINE SUPPLYING POWER BURST. MILL SHUT DOWN.
WHAT DO YOU ADVISE?

After deep consultation Bourn and I despatched the following
wire to Hague:

ADVISE MENDING PIPELINE AND RESTARTING MILL.

180 Tne .AutoDiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

With all seriousness Hague followed this sage, though obvious
counsel. Although endowed with brilliant qualities, Hague is a
typical example of panic in the face of responsibility, a characteristic
often to be observed in men otherwise rational and balanced.

Shortly after this episode, Hague was compelled to go east and
offered me the job of supervising the mine during his absence. I
accepted without mentioning any compensation, leaving the mat-
ter entirely to his judgment of values, and on his return some months
later I was considerably taken aback at his low estimate of my
worth. But since I had made no stipulations before taking the job,
I felt I could offer no objections then.

Presently, however, a chance presented itself to square matters.
A telegram came from Hague's resident manager saying that Hague
was away and that the quartz vein had once more been lost. Im-
mediately following this came a wire from Hague asking me to
make a professional inspection of the property, and to direct the
manager how to find the vein and how to continue the shaft.

I kept the manager waiting for a reply until both he and Hague
had had time to become thoroughly worried. Then I went to the
property, descended into the mine, and after a few minutes at the
bottom, ordered the car to be hauled to the surface. As I arose from
the depths, the surprised manager confronted me and inquired
whether I proposed to make my report after so brief an inspection.
I replied loftily that a mere glance at the situation had convinced me
that the only thing necessary was to incline the shaft at such and such
a different angle and the vein would again be picked up. "This, 55 I
continued, "should be obvious to any practical miner; therefore I
shall appreciate your check for five hundred dollars."

The manager, aghast, stammered, 'Why I could have advised
Mr. Hague to do that myself."
"But, unfortunately, you didn't!" I pointed out.
I then went on to show him that my services were analogous to
those of a diagnostician, who often receives the same compensa-
tion for advising against an operation as for it. "So," I wound up,
"the company's check for five hundred dollars, please." It was

Grass Valley and the Coeur cPAlene 181

forthcoming. I went away with my professional honor vindicated
and the feeling that Hague had received no more than was due
him for his earlier parsimony.

Hague certainly had his troubles. At one time he and Clarence
King owned a small gold mine in California. After several stage-
coach holdups in which the bullion was stolen, they had a fake gold
brick made which looked exactly like a real one. This gold brick
was given to the driver of the stagecoach to be surrendered in case
of a holdup, and the real gold was carefully hidden in the coach.
The camp cook was Chinese and this great wealth left lying about
carelessly proved too great a strain on his honesty. One day he
stole the fake gold brick and started for the mountains. He was
pursued for some distance by the employees of the mine who be-
lieved that he had escaped with the real gold. Finally he was over-
taken. When he began shooting, his pursuers returned the fire and
killed him.

There was a saying in the western mining camps that "no mine
has established its value until large sums have been expended in the
litigation of its title." Title litigation, for example, cost the Bunker
Hill and Sullivan mine more than half a million dollars. Although
the legal expenses were very high, such charges were not uncom-

mon.

Litigation often arises from the ambiguity and unscientific nature ;
of the United States mining laws relating to ownership of ore bodies'
below the surface of the ground. In this country, it is necessary to
possess only the rectangular surface area in which occurs the apex
of the veins carrying the ore bodies. The owner may then follow
the vein downward in its "dips, spurs, and angles," and extract all
the ore found, even when the veins lead under adjoining claims.
In this respect the laws of Mexico and the Transvaal are much more
satisfactory. In both these cases the owner of a surface right is en-
titled only to the ore lying within an area defined by the vertical
extension of the property boundaries in depth; that is, he enjoys no
extralateral rights.

In these great mining lawsuits of the past lawyers, of course, have
received the lion's share of the fees. Experts in the geology of ore-
bearing formations have also been handsomely remunerated for their

182 Tne Autooiograpny of J cmn Hays Hammond

investigations. After the geological findings of one of these experts
was reported to the lawyers who employed him, he was retained as a
witness if he could conscientiously give testimony that would further
the case of his employers. There have been instances in which his
conscience proved too flexible a guide.

In the early fifties there were few qualified mining engineers, and
the soi-disant experts were often rule-of -thumb Cornish miners, a
class of surveyors whose code of morals was frequently as primitive
in its conception of right and wrong as their technical knowledge was
rudimentary.

The late William M. Stewart, one of Nevada's first United States
senators and greatest lawyers, was once engaged to represent one of
the groups involved in a mining case which hinged ultimately on the
exact location of the ore bodies in dispute. Not anticipating that the
verdict would depend on the correct survey of the underground
workings, Stewart was unprepared in that phase of the litigation, and
was perturbed by the very positive evidence given by the so-called
surveying expert, on the other side.

The case seemed to be going against Stewart, when he had an in-
spiration. Just as the witness was about to leave the stand, Stewart
asked him how many degrees there are in a circle. The Cornish
expert cast a supercilious glance at the jury and directed his answer
to them: "Why, a schoolboy would know that depends upon the
size of the circle." The audience burst into laughter, the judge smiled,
and even the nontechnical jury perceived that the expert was an un-
scrupulous faker. Stewart won the decision.

In 1886, Simeon G. Reed of Portland, Oregon, asked me to manage
the Bunker Hill and Sullivan mine, a silver-lead property he had re-
cently acquired in the Coeur d'Alene mining district of northern
Idaho. Though the salary offered was attractive, I felt it unwise
either to give up the management of the North Star and Empire
mines^or to discontinue my work as a mining expert. Consequently,
I declined his offer but recommended Victor Clement, and he was
accordingly placed in charge of the mine.

A few months later Mr. Reed employed me to make a geological
survey of this property so that I might give expert testimony in a
lawsuit involving the title. I spent several weeks in a thorough exam-

Grass Valley and tke Coeur d'Alene 183

ination which included many of the newly developed mining prop-
erties in the Coeur d'Alene. The results convinced me of the great
potential value of the ore deposits and enabled me to boost this dis-
trict when interviewed.

One of the chief witnesses for the group fighting Reed's title in the
Coeur d'Alene was a widely known character known as Jack Smith,
or, more colloquially, as Yellow Dog Smith. The reason for this
nickname was the jaundiced-looking cur that always attended him.
Surly by nature, Smith had no friends, not even among those asso-
ciated with him in the lawsuits against the company. He held an
undivided one-sixth interest in the outcome of the suit instituted by
his associates. For legal reasons, it would have been of great advan-
tage to the company to secure Smith's interest and deprive him of any
conceivable or legitimate concern in the matter, minimizing the pos-
sibility of what they regarded as an outright blackmailing suit.

I decided to have a personal interview with the unfriendly recluse,
although Clement tried to dissuade me because of the man's uncertain
temper. Confident that I should have no trouble with the man, I
was determined to go to his cabin, located in one of the gulches near
Wardner, the local town serving the mine. As a precaution, I did
tell Clement that if I had not returned at the end of an hour he might
bring along the coffin.

About supper time I approached the little log cabin set off by itself
in the loneliest part of the gulch. My knocking brought savage
growls from the dog within. Smith pulled the door half open and
peered out in obvious surprise at the presence of a visitor. While he
was hesitating, unable to make up his mind whether to let me in or
set the dog on me, I said suggestively, "That coffee smells pretty
good, Jack." Slowly and reluctantly he kicked the dog aside and
allowed me to enter.

When I had the cup of steaming coffee before me I lost no time
in introducing the object of my visit.

"Jack, you'll regret it all your life if you don't accept the proposi-
tion I'm going to make you. The Bunker Hill and Sullivan is going
to win this lawsuit regardless of what it costs them. They have to
win if they're going to establish a reputation in this country for fight-
ing all blackmail suits. If necessary, they'll take the case to the

184 Tne Autooiograpky of J onn Hays Hammond

United States Supreme Court. You won't gain anything in the long
run. I happen to know you put up most of the money for your asso-
ciates and I'm sure your confidence in them is no greater than mine.
I've been told on good authority that you've said that even if you
did win, you'd have trouble getting your share. Isn't that so? How
much do you expect to get out of it ?"
"About twenty thousand dollars/' he replied.
"I'll buy it," I promptly interjected. "That's all you can get even
if you do win the suit, and there certainly won't be much of that left
if you have to put up money for the others."

"Maybe," he allowed, "but I wouldn't be safe here twenty-four
hours if I sold out my interest,"
"Well, what is there to keep you here?" I queried.
"I have some town lots in Wardner," came the reply.
"How much are they valued at?"
"Probably four or five thousand dollars."
"Fll take those lots off your hands, too," I promised.
He was somewhat bewildered by the speed of this conversation,
but followed it up by inquiring, "Then what would I do ?"

"You're a good prospector and I'll send you down to Arizona,'* I
answered. "All your expenses will be paid, and I'll give you a fair
interest in any property we get through you."

Without any further hesitation he stated firmly: "Mr. Hammond,
I never in my life sold out a partner, and I won't do it now."

Since he was undoubtedly right and I was wrong, I said the only
thing there was for me to say: "Jack, give me your hand. I think a
great deal better of you even in this questionable affair" (an outright
reference to the blackmail suit!), "even though it's a set of rascals
you're being loyal to; and if I hadn't known that, I should not have
made the offer."

The suit was tried at Murray, the county seat. The jury, the law-
yers, and the witnesses were domiciled in a ramshackle wooden hotel
near the courthouse. Though our official relations were none too
friendly, after each court session we went back to the hotel and had
drinks together. It was the custom of the day for the bars to invite
their habitues to a morning cocktail "on the bar." Many of us took

Grass Valley and tLe Coeur cPAlene 185

advantage of this hospitality in order -to create an appetite for the
poor food provided at breakfast.

Jack Smith was the most important witness against us. The trial
had its colorful moments. At all times the courtroom was filled with
violent partisans of both sides, and we were fortunate that the judge
was upright and courageous in standing for equity in the face of in-
tense local feeling.

Each side retained -the most brilliant counsel available. W- B.
Heyburn, afterwards senator from Idaho, and later a valued friend
of mine, represented the Smith crowd, while on our side was Judge
Ganahl, who enjoyed a splendid reputation as a mining lawyer, and
William Claggett, who bore and deserved -the title of "the silver-
tongued orator of the Northwest."

Our group had the foresight to hire a Pinkerton detective who,
posing as a prospector, soon ingratiated himself with the Smith crowd.
They considered him such a good fellow that they revealed to him
many facts injurious to their case. When he went on the stand to
testify on our side, they became so enraged that his life was in danger.
As soon as he had given his testimony I drove him secretly to Mis-
soula and put him safely on an eastbound train.

The principal difficulty with Yellow Dog Smith's evidence in this
trial was its overperfection. Although he was on the stand for two
days under severe cross-examination by the shrewdest lawyers in
Idaho, his memory proved extraordinary. For example, one of the
critical points in the case involved the priority of the location made
several years before. Smith remembered every minute detail that
had occurred in connection with it, throughout the five or six hours
intervening between the time of starting out to locate the claim*
to the posting of notices. Exhibiting a truly amazing system of
mnemonics, he professed to remember where the locators of our side
had been, explaining this by claiming to have kept tabs on their
movements. His testimony, given quietly and without truculence,
was as unshakable as the Rock of Gibraltar. Had I not been certain
that he was a consummate liar, I should have accepted his testimony
in toto.

Fortunately for us, the court adjourned from Friday afternoon
until Monday morning. The judge had issued an order that during

186 The AutomograpLy of Jonn Hays Hammond

this period neither side was to have any of its representatives even
approach the claims in question. The object of the court's injunction
was to make sure that certain stakes marking the locations were not
interfered with.

Since we suspected that Jack Smith was not so honest as his testi-
mony in court seemed to indicate, we had him shadowed. Sure
enough, late Sunday afternoon Smith was seen examining the notices
on ground where he had been forbidden to trespass. During his
cross-examination resumed on Monday, Smith was asked where he
had been at five o'clock Sunday afternoon. His wonderful memory
collapsed; he had not the slightest recollection of ever having been
near the claims. He did admit he might have been "somewhere' 5
at that time, but had no idea where. Impressed by this amazing
vagueness, so much in contrast with his previously infallible memory,
the jury brought in a unanimous verdict in our favor.

Some years after the Bunker Hill and Sullivan had won this suit,
the company became involved in another legal action. Although
Jack had no personal interest on this occasion, he possessed important
and honest evidence in favor of our company's contention, which he
volunteered to give. In dilatory judicial fashion, the case was ad-
journed time after time. Before it was finally called, the Klondike
discovery exercised a lure impossible for Smith to resist. Before de-
parting he promised that he would come back from the Klondike
and give his testimony whenever the case should be tried. And this
he actually did, refusing to take any compensation beyond expenses.
After Mr. Reed had won his suit over the Bunker Hill and Sulli-
van title, he felt unable, because of his failing health, to continue
the development of the property. There was particular need of ex-
tensive new equipment, since all we had was an antiquated mill.,
which had been running intermittently during the litigation period.
Mr. Reed offered one large block of stock figured on the basis of
a million dollars for the property, and gave me an option on the rest
at about a million and a half dollars for his entire holdings. I said I
was satisfied with the price and would undertake to raise the neces-
sary funds for its purchase.

First, I wired James L. Houghteling and Edward L. Ryerson, and
also Cyras H. McCormick, of Chicago, son of the inventor, for whom

Grass Valley and tLe Coeur cPAIene 187

I had made several mining examinations, telling them briefly about
the property. Then I hurried to Chicago. After a brief conference,
these men purchased the portion of the stock I had reserved for them.
From Chicago I went to New York and sold to D. O. Mills the re-
mainder of the first block of stock. A few months later I exercised
my option on the remaining shares of the company with money
provided by William H. Crocker, of San Francisco, and other friends.
In July, 1891, 1 was elected president of the company and retained
that position until I went to South Africa in June, 1893. I was suc-
ceeded by my wife's uncle, General N. H. Harris, who held the office
for four years. The property has proved immensely valuable. The
annual report of the company showed that up to the end of Decem-
ber, 1931, $48,444,488.84 had been paid in dividends. The gross value
of the ore was $167,163,78042, recovered from 13,925,786 tons of ore
mined. The depth of the "dip" of the vein from which the ore was
mined is 5250 feet (practically one mile) and the mining develop-
ments (crosscuts, drifts, "raises," and shafts) were sixty miles.

The Bunker Hill and Sullivan was discovered by Noah S. Kel-
logg, Phil O'Rourke, and Jacob Goetz, known as Dutch Jake. Later
Dutch Jake and O'Rourke came into full possession of the properties
and sold them to Reed for six hundred and fifty thousand dollars*

Kellogg always maintained that they had not been the real finders
of this famous mine. According to his story, they had gone on a
prospecting trip, and one night at the mouth of Milo Creek their
burro had strayed. As Kellogg tells the story:

"The next morning we started out to find him. His tracks was
clear and we found wads of his hair where he had climbed over the
down-timber and scraped his sides. How the little son-of-a-gun man-
aged to get through that place, I can't tell, but after we got into the
canyon, his trail was easy. Pretty soon we saw him on the side of the
hill with his one good eye slanted across the canyon. He sure was
looking hard at something.

'TSTow you know a jack. They'll stand like a rock till you get

almost up to them, and then, just when you put out your hand

easy-like^-you get a bunch of gravel in the eye or a kick in the belly.

Then they go stand somewheres else.

"But this one didn't act like that. He let us come right up to him

188 The Autoblograpiiy of Jolm Hays Hammond

and just kept right on standing. Now if there's anything can shake
up a ornery cuss like a jack you bet Fm gonna look too.

"I'll be doggoned if he didn't have his feet planted on an outcrop
and his ears was pointed at another over the gulch!"

The burro became a celebrated character, his fame being per-
petuated in the following jingle:

When you talk about the Coeur d'Alene,

And all the wealth untold,
Don't fail to mention Kellogg's Jack,

Who did the wealth unfold.

Whether or not this account is apocryphal I am not prepared to
say I tell the story as 'twas told to me. At least it is a legend of the
Coeur d'Alene.

At the time we took over the Bunker Hill and Sullivan, the Coeur
d'Alene territory was filled with the usual rough crowd that followed
the opening up of all new mining districts. On one of my extended
visits to the mine, I found there existed a good deal of prejudice
against the company, while feeling was particularly unfriendly to-
wards its officers. My headquarters were at the mine about a mile
up the canyon from Wardner, and since I was much occupied in
underground development, my visits to the town were rare; in fact,
I went there only on matters of business.

Some of the company's enemies began to spread the report that I
was afraid to come into the town. Unwilling to let this pass, I sent
word that I would appear on a certain day, and at a certain hour I
would walk the full length of the street, down one side and up the
. other. If anyone desired to attack me, he would then have his chance.
No attack was made; I had called their bluff. I did not do this in a
spirit of bravado, but because I realized that evidence of personal
cowardice was prejudicial not only to the interests one represented,
but to one's own safety as well.

In addition to our legal difficulties, we soon had a labor war on our
hands in the Coeur d'Alene. The labor union of Montana had been
giving trouble to the mine owners in the section around Butte. In
order to relieve the tension in their immediate neighborhood, the

Grass Valley and tLe Coeur d'Alene 189

exasperated mine operators had diverted the attention of the agitators
to the Coeur d'Alene district. Thus, in 1891, Moyer, Harry Orchard
and Mozer, and later Bill Haywood, arrived from Butte in the en-
deavor to unionize the Coeur d'Alene mines.

There was not the slightest discontent among the miners at the
Bunker Hill and Sullivan. Shortly after the union organizers' ar-
rival, a delegation of our miners called on me to ask whether the
company would insist on their joining the union; they were satisfied
with things as they were and had no desire to pay the required fee.

Their particular objection was to being treated by a certain ignorant
and incompetent union doctor. I replied that it was a matter of
entire indifference to us whether they joined the union or not, but
that under no circumstances would our mine become a closed shop.
The company at this time was preparing to extend operations.
We had a new mill and we needed more men to operate it. We had
ascertained that there were no objections on the part of those already
working at the mill or in the mines to our bringing in additional
outside labor. Although labor was scarce in the Idaho section, there
were many miners out of employment in California. I went to San
Francisco, where the company's main office was located, and adver-
tised for the necessary complement of miners to join the Bunker Hill
and Sullivan. Large numbers of miners appeared in answer to the
advertisement.

Meanwhile serious trouble was brewing throughout the Coeur
d'Alene district and this fact was widely reported in the California
papers. A great majority of the newly hired miners, even after hav-
ing expressed their satisfaction with the terms of employment, re-
fused to go to Idaho lest they become embroiled in these labor dis-
putes. Nevertheless, I succeeded in collecting a carload of first-class
miners who stated that as American citizens they did not propose to
be denied their right to work for any company which offered them
satisfactory terms. I explained fully the situation in the Coeur
d'Alene and a few days afterwards I left with them in a private car.
My wife insisted on accompanying me; and although I had hoped
to induce her to stop off at Portland, she would not do so. News-
paper accounts of trouble in the Coeur d'Alene were most alarming
and, if I was to be near danger, she insisted on being with me.

190 ne Axitooiograpliy of JFonn Hays Hammond

Before we started, I sent a telegram to our manager. Clement.
Since I was well aware that wires were being tapped by the agita-
tors, this message was designed to act as a blind; Clement had already
received other instructions and knew what to expect. My fake tele-
gram informed him that I was taking the miners through to Spokane
and would reach Wardner the next day by the regular train.

The main line of the railroad went on to Spokane, but at Tekoa
Junction there was a spur running to Wardner and then on up the
Coeur d'AIene Valley to Wallace, and other stations in the mining
district. The headquarters of the agitators were at Wallace, about
twelve miles beyond Wardner which was my real objective.

I made private arrangements with the railroad to have an engine
ready at Tekoa Junction so that our special car might be hauled
direct to the mine via the spur line. They were, of course, glad to
co-operate with us on their own account because they were anxious
to have mining operations resumed.

My message to Clement was duly intercepted by the strikers, as I
had hoped and believed it would be. When our car reached Tekoa
Junction there were at hand apparently only a few spies who had
been sent by the agitators to keep in touch with the progress of our
train. Our car was hastily switched and I took charge of the special.
Meanwhile, one of the spies rushed to the telegraph operator, scrib-
bling frantically:

HAMMOND AND HIS SCABS HAVE STARTED FOR WARDNER.

As I mounted to the cab, the engineer said: "I suppose you're Mr.
Hammond. Shall I pull her wide open ?"

"We've got to beat the union miners from Wallace. Let her go!"
I replied.

There were forty miles between us and our destination, while the
men from Wallace had only twelve to go. We raced at hair-raising
speed around the tortuous curves of the Coeur d'Alene Riven On
the bridges we had to take our chances as there was always the pos-
sibility that our plot to divert the agitators had miscarried and they
had had time to blow them up. Mile after mile of track was reeled
ofi; bridge after bridge was safely crossed on our way to Wardner.
But, instead of pulling into the Wardner station, we stopped the

Grass Valley an<l tte Coeur cPAlene " 191

train about a mile short, unloaded the men, and started them on a
run for the mill, a few hundred yards distant.

When I turned to help my wife descend, I found that she had
been clutching the seat with such a vise-like grip, to keep from being
thrown, that her muscles had stiffened. It was with difficulty that I
got her safely to the ground.

It was indeed fortunate that we did not go on into Wardner. As
soon as the union miners at Wallace received the wire from Tekoa
Junction, they tried to intercept us. Unable to procure an engine
on such short notice, they jumped on flat cars and coasted down the
long grade. About a hundred of them were at the station awaiting
the arrival of our train. Nevertheless, before they discovered what
we were doing, we had all our miners behind breastworks at the
mill, and, since the strikers knew we had already smuggled in guns
and were well armed, they committed no overt act. No strike was
declared at the Bunker Hill and Sullivan; not a man walked out.
The responsibility for the trouble in the district lay solely on the
shoulders of the union agitators from Butte.

I remained in Wardner until everything was apparently quiet, and
then went to Nevada on professional work. During my absence
there was a general uprising, culminating on July n, 1892, with the
dynamiting of the Frisco mill by union men. After a number of
murders had been committed, martial law was declared, and federal
troops called in. To protect ourselves as well as we could during
these disturbances, the Mine Owners' Association hired detectives
whose job it was to find out the plans of the agitators.

In my experience, the most interesting, resourceful, and courageous
of these Pinkerton detectives was Charles A. Siringo who worked for
us throughout the semiwarfare in the Coeur d'Alene, 1891-92. In
his youth he had been cowboy and scout in Texas, Kansas, Indian
Territory, and New Mexico, When he came into our employ he
was a dark, slender, wiry fellow with a small mustache, easily iden-
tifiable by pockmarks. Some of the services performed by Siringo,
and some of the personal hazards he coolly met during this trouble,
are set down in his own notes and the records of the Mine Owners*
Association.
On arriving in the district, he secured a job in a mine at Gem where

192 Tne Autooiograpliy of Jonn Hays Hammond

he worked for four weeks. At the end of his second week he joined
the union, and two months later was elected its recording secretary.
Meanwhile, he purposely had himself discharged from the mine on
a genuine charge of dereliction of duty. As a result, he could devote
all his attention to the union miners, ostensibly supported by his po-
sition as recording secretary. His reports of union plottings he sent
secretly by mail to the Mine Owners' Association. The postmaster
at Gem being a rabid union man of the anarchistic type, the detective
used to walk four miles to Wallace to post his letters.

Siringo secretly bought a small building in which he established
a widow and her daughter to run a store and rooming house. In
this way he could appear to the town as a mere lodger while using
the building as a vantage point. He witnessed and reported many
murderous beatings of our miners who had strayed from our forti-
fied properties into the town seeking pleasure. The house stood on
stilts two or three feet off the ground, level with the board walk
which was raised above the road to avoid dust and mud. Siringo
sawed a hole in the floor of his bedroom through which to escape if
necessary. Directly under his window ran the river.

Siringo had been a union sympathizer before coming in contact
with the cutthroat Coeur d'Alene crew, but he was now thoroughly
out of sympathy with their views, as evidenced by his letters which
described the leaders of the union as a vicious, heartless gang, many
of them "rocked in the cradle of anarchy at Butte"; many were
escaped outlaws from other states.

Siringo steadily relayed to us plots for beating up and killing scab
miners whenever they should be brought in from other places for
resumption of operations. He reported in advance the plans made
for a "bloody revolution" on the Fourth of July, when, as a matter
of fact, the American flag was riddled with bullets, trampled, and
spat upon.

He cut from the minutes one page of particular interest to me.
It not only recorded the union's decision to have its members creep
up in the night on two of the mines and flood them by pulling the
pumps, but also on this same page was written the decision of the
unionists to "do away with 55 Clement and me. This page Siringo
mailed to our lawyers.

Grass Valley and tke Coeur cTAlene 193

While it was being extracted, he had been careful to have two
union members handling the book at almost the same time, so as
to be sure of witnesses to his innocence if the theft was discovered.
The book had then been put in a safe place to which he had not since
had access. Such was the accuracy of our foreknowledge of their
plans that the unions finally began to suspect the presence of a spy
at their councils. It was intimated to Siringo that he had been
"making too many trips to Wallace to mail letters.'* At a secret
meeting, held at night, the book was exhibited with the page missing,
Pandemonium followed. Although Siringo had his forty-five in a
holster under his left arm, he did not think it would be possible to
escape from the hall with his life.

That the detective was ordinarily devoid of personal fear is proved
by many accounts of his bravery in books dealing with that period
and place and his many other thrilling experiences, but he admitted
to me that he was badly frightened at this meeting. His fear was
not so much for himself, he said, but because of the suspicion he had
cast on the two innocent men who were with him when the page was
taken out.

At the height of the excitement the president locked the door and,
raising his hand, demanded silence.

"Someone has been betraying union secrets! Only three men had
access to the minutes-book. These three men are all in this room at
this very moment. One of them must be guilty. I propose that we
determine which one it is and punish him as he deserves, here and
now!" This meant death. Siringo had not only to extricate himself
from his perilous position, but also to remove suspicion from the two
innocent men whose lives he had jeopardized.

He rose to speak. First of all, he qualified some of his previous
statements reflecting on the loyalty of these men by admitting he
might have been mistaken. He said it was too serious a matter for
him to implicate them without being absolutely positive of their
guilt. By means of amazing nerve and a complicated fabric of lies,
Siringo finally succeeded in getting the meeting to disperse without
taking action.

Knowing it would be not only futile, but also certainly fatal for
him to attend further meetings of the union, he remained away

194 Tte AutooiograpJay ol Jonn Hays Hammond

from the next one, where, as secretary, he was due at eight in the
evening. When at eight-thirty a union committee came to his room
to ask why he was late, he told them to go back and he would be
there in ten minutes. They went away muttering. Siringo at once
wrote a letter, full of indignation, which explained he had been
tipped off that the union had foolishly concluded he was a detective
spy. In view of this unjust suspicion he felt he must resign both his
secretaryship and his membership in the union. This letter he sent
to the hall.

During the dance which followed the adjournment of the meet-
ing, Siringo scouted around outside union headquarters, and learned
from miners who had not yet heard of his resignation that a violent
demonstration against mine owners and strikebreakers was scheduled
to occur within a few days.

On the morning the Frisco mill was blown up, in which a number
of men were killed, shooting began simultaneously in the town.
Siringo was spotted on the street. Realizing the game was up, and
followed by the maddened crowd, he fled for the near-by shelter of
his house. Then, to divert pursuit, he threw a large, previously pre-
pared parcel into the Coeur d'Alene River. This achieved its object;
the strikers thought he had jumped from the window. During this
momentary respite, he coolly moved a trunk which had been placed
over the hole in the floor, lowered himself into the space beneath the
building, and from there crept under the wooden sidewalk.

As he crawled along he identified a number of the men responsible
for the shooting and dynamiting, partly by their voices and partly by
glancing upward through the wide cracks between the boards.
Watch in hand to note the exact time, he jotted down this evidence
in his notebook for later use at their trial.

United States troops, delayed by the blowing up of train bridges
by the union agitators, finally arrived on the scene. Siringo distin-
guished himself further by discovering the cellar where most of the
strike leaders were hiding and informing General Carlin. These
and others arrested during succeeding days were crowded into the
celebrated bull pen.

Just before the trial of the union agitators, I had some matters to
discuss with Siringo, who was hidden in the mountains not far from

Grass Valley and tke Coeur d'Alene 195

Wallace. I endeavored to induce him to leave the country and not
return until time for the trial, telling him he was too valuable a wit-
ness to take any chances. Indignantly repudiating my suggestion,
he said "no damned foreigners," such as composed the leadership of
the union, could scare him, an American, out of the country. Al-
though he concealed himself in the mountains during the night, he
appeared frequently in the mining town in the daytime.

On the occasion to which I have just referred, he insisted on ac-
companying me back to the railway station, which required travers-
ing the length of the town's only thoroughfare. We walked together
down the middle of the road, each of us carrying two pistols in our
side coat pockets. There was a running fire of comment from miners
on the sidewalk as they expressed their hatred for Siringo in no un-
certain language. As he walked Siringo kept his hands in his
pockets. The outline of his guns could clearly be seen as he swayed
ominously from side to side.

Every man knew that the guns were cocked, and our fingers were
on the triggers. Although from time to time he challenged them
with the term "coward," a fighting word in the West, no one dared
take the offensive. It is easier to talk than to be the first man to die.
In spite of the threats against his life should he take the witness
stand, Siringo boldly testified in the federal court at Coeur d'Alene
against the strike leaders. We had not only the page from the union
minutes-book proving their sabotage plans, but also his identifying
information gleaned from under the sidewalk. As a direct result,
several of the strike leaders were convicted and sent to the peniten-
tiary. Siringo concluded his final report to the Mine Owners* Asso-
ciation with the words: "Such damnable outrages as have gone on
here could not happen in any country but my own."

Some years later, after my return from Africa, Siringo came again
into my employ. With David H. Moffat, president of one of the
banks in Denver, and Harry Payne Whitney, with whom I was as-
sociated in many other mining enterprises, I was interested in buying
a mining property not far from Leadville. We were anxious to as-
certain whether the samples from a bore hole that we had put down
on the property had been salted. As the assays were suspiciously
high, Moff at got into communication with the Pinkerton Detective

196 Xne -Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

Agency and my old friend Siringo was sent to take charge of the
investigation.

This time he appeared in the role of a man from the Middle West
"not in very good health" who was a victim of asthma. It took
him only a few weeks' sojourn in the mining community where the
property was located to establish most cordial and intimate relations
with the people suspected of attempting fraud. In this case as before
the reports we received from Siringo showed his remarkable knowl-
edge of human nature, as well as an extraordinary ability to adapt
his character to any situation.

After fighting in many other strikes, and performing detective
work in various western cities, Siringo settled down in Hollywood
where he wrote several books, the most prominent of which are
History of "Billy the Kid" and A Cowboy Detective.

One of the problems connected with the operation of the Bunker
Hill and Sullivan was the smelting of lead concentrates produced at
the mine. As president of the company, after tentatively securing
attractive railroad rates for hauling the ore to San Francisco, I was
endeavoring to purchase the Selby Smelting Company's near-by
plant. Negotiations were proceeding satisfactorily when I was called
away on a mine examination trip to Mexico.

On my return, I learned that a Freiberg collegemate, Alfred von
der Ropp, had happened to visit the Selby plant on his way to Aus-
tralia, where he was to take charge of large smelting operations
under the management of another Freiberg man, Herman Schlapp,
Ropp's visit to the Selby plant convinced him that the metallurgical
operations in effect there were not scientific. He convinced the direc-
tors that he could make money for the company, which at that time
was in the red. This resulted in his giving up his engagement in
Australia and taking charge of the Selby Smelting Company.

It is extraordinary how seemingly unimportant events may exer-
cise a vital influence on one's career. Had I purchased the Selby
plant, my responsibility to the capital necessarily invested therein,
and the vastly increased burden of operating the joint properties,
would have so involved me that I should not have been able to go
to South Africa and consequently my whole career would have been
changed for the better, quien sabe?

CHAPTER TWELVE
Hie Call to Africa

THE LAND OF ADVENTURE MAGIC BLUE CLAY
BARNEY BARNATO AND THE DEPRESSION SEND ME
TO AFRICA I TIE UP WITH B ARN E Y R O M A N T I C
STORY OF BARNATO'S R I S E C OSMOP OLI T A N JOHAN-
NESBURG NATIVE SERVANTS WASTED ADVICE

BARNATO'S WHITE ELEPHANT i RESIGN A THOU-
SAND MILES TO MEET RHODES I BECOME CONSULT-
ING ENGINEER OF THE CONSOLIDATED GOLD FIELDS
OF SOUTH AFRICA AND THE BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA

(CHARTERED) COMPANY BARNEY'S TRAGIC DEATH

Js a boy, I always thought

~~*o Africa as the land of

mystery. My mind conjured up endless deserts and snow-capped
mountains and impenetrable jungles. I knew there were cataracts
that dwarfed Niagara. In the zoo I saw elephants, lions, camels,
and other strange animals of the Dark Continent.

As I grew older, I read books and talked with travelers about
Africa. Those few who had been to its diamond mines had stories
to tell of the strange negro tribes with their still stranger customs.
Rumors of the great ruins at Zimbabwe came to my ears.

Even after I went into business, I found it impossible to avoid
being influenced by these early impressions. Yet I knew that Africa,
for tibe mining engineer and the entrepreneur, offered unlimited
opportunities for wealth, however proportionate the risk might be.

197

198 The Autotiograplxy of JoLa Hays Hammond

In Africa the world's natural resources were still to be found in
profusion. To me, already practical and experienced in the world,
Africa remained the land of adventure. Diamonds, copper, coal'
rubber, ivory, palm oil, and spices all were there for the taking!
For hundreds of years these remained unexploited. Out of Africa
came only ivory, slaves, and a small amount of gold.

Then suddenly a new vista of wealth opened. A Boer child
brought to her home, near what is now Kimberley, some pretty
stones to play with. A chance traveler suspected that they were
diamonds. When further search proved the existence of these pre-
cious stones on a colossal scale, there was a rush to the diamond
fields. Kimberley, almost overnight, became the mecca for adven-
turous prospectors.

The greatest of all diamond fields are still those in the neighbor-
hood of Kimberley, and even there the average yield in the profitable
mines is only about a grain and a half per ton. The stones are found
in the necks of extinct volcanoes, called pipes, which have eroded
down to the general level of the country. After the indurated mud
of bluish color has been excavated from the shafts and hoisted to
the surface, sometimes from a depth of several thousand feet, it is
spread out on the "floors" and allowed to remain untouched for
two or three years, until it oxidizes or disintegrates from exposure
to sun and rain.

After the material has been broken up in the mills it is run over
inclined tables. Beside these stand the native "boys" deftly picking
out the resinous-looking stones as the slow current of water carries
them past. The modus operand* has now been simplified. Purely
through the carelessness of a white overseer, it is said, some greasy
material was once spilled on one of the tables. It was found that
the diamonds adhered to this substance while the extraneous
minerals were washed off, regardless of their specific gravity. This
accidental discovery forms the basis of the new process of recover-
ing diamonds.

To avoid all opportunity for peculation, the boys are confined
to compounds during the customary three years of employment. At
the end of that time they are penned for a few days in narrow
quarters where every precaution is taken to thwart their frequent

lie Call to Afcca 199

attempts at smuggling. They will even endure the pain of making
deep cuts in their bodies in which to conceal the diamonds, and
not infrequently they will swallow the gems. This latter type of
smuggling is provided against by the administering of strong and
thorough-"searching" aperients before the boys are released.

However arduous diamond mining may be, in the past it has
been highly remunerative. It is still an extremely condensed form
of wealth. Moreover, it is a geological wonder that the greatest
known deposits of gold and diamonds should both occur in Africa
within three hundred miles of each other. From the profits of the
diamond industry at Kimberley abundant capital was available for
the subsequent exploitation of the greatest of the world's gold
fields the Witwatersrand, the White Water Ridge.

Naturally, my interest lay in the huge gold camp worked by its
vast black army of Kaffirs digging endlessly underground. During
the early nineties, very attractive offers came to me from Barney
Barnato and other British financiers who wanted me to go to South
Africa to take charge of their mining properties. All these I re-
fused, expressing regret and offering to recommend in my place
competent American experts in gold mining. At the time, I was
busy with the development of silver and lead mines in the Coeur
d'Alene district of Idaho.

After the election of Grover Cleveland in 1892, however, I real-
ized that the tariff policy of the Democratic party would result in
a period of industrial depression in the United States. I felt that
this would be a good time to go to South Africa for a few months
to look over the possibilities of the new gold-mining field then
rapidly developing on the Rand. Although I had already answered
Barnato's proposals in the negative, he was not satisfied. He re-
newed his offer opportunely at this time, with an invitation to a
conference in London. He not only suggested recompensing me
for the time I should lose from my professional work in America
by coming to London, but also expressed his belief that he would
be able to offer terms so attractive that I should be justified in
accepting the managership of his mining interests.

By a coincidence, I received at the same time a cablegram from
Scotland asking me to make a report in person to the board of

200 Xne Atitomograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

directors of the Arizona Copper Company, whose property I had
recently examined. This request, coupled with Barnato's offer, in-
duced me to go to England, and I cabled Barnato accordingly.

I arrived at Southampton on a Saturday morning in April, 1893,
and from there wired Barnato that I should be at his office the
following Monday at noon. Although I had heard that he was
careless about keeping appointments on time, I found him ready
for me on the dot of twelve. It was hard for me to believe that
this short, thick-set, little fellow, blond and rosy as a Cupid, was that
same Barnato whose reputation for shrewdness had spread through-
out the business world. His brother Henry was also present,
although he took little part in the conference beyond nodding con-
firmation to his brother's remarks.

After shaking hands, Barnato inquired politely whether I had
had a pleasant trip. Then, going straight to the point, he asked
as to my immediate plans. I informed him that I had booked my
return passage for the latter part of the week. He expressed the
fear that this would not allow us sufficient time in which to settle
our affairs. This, in turn, gave me the opportunity to explain at
once the foundation upon which any business connection between
us would have to be based. Having heard rumors that Barnato
was a keen trader, I wanted to make certain that I, as an engineer,
would not be involved in any extraprofessional activities. I began
by saying, therefore, that if we could not agree on the fundamentals
of our relationship in half an hour, there would be no point in
continuing the discussion.

Tve been told youVe often engineered the market for your
stocks," I said. "That's not my kind of engineering. Before we
discuss any terms it must be clearly understood that my professional
reputation is not to be used for the purpose of rigging the stock
market for your mining securities."

Without hesitation came Barnato's reply: "I'm glad to hear you
say that, Mr. Hammond. If you'd do whatever I told you to, what
use would you be to me? Why, you'd be just as likely to do the
same for someone else to my loss if he could make it worth vour
while."
Then looking at his brother, he continued: "Henry and I have

Tke Call to Africa 201

been talking over this proposition and have decided to offer you
twenty-five thousand dollars a year. You know, Mr. Hammond,
that's the biggest salary any American engineer gets in South
Africa."

Having already determined for myself the minimum for which
I should be willing to leave my established American practice, I at
once said: "I'm sorry, Mr. Barnato, but I'm not interested at that
figure. I've been doing much better than that at home.' 5

"How much do you want then?" came his question.

"Double it," I said.

He looked inquiringly at Henry, who nodded approval. Barnato
then agreed. "All right, that's satisfactory to us."

But, since I desired to leave no loophole for misunderstanding, I
continued: "Inasmuch as you are to spend many millions of dollars
in the development of your properties, and, believing as I do, that
I can increase the operating efficiency of your mines and introduce
economies that will amount yearly to many times my salary, I shall
accept your off er of fifty thousand only until such time as I have
been able to convince you, as a good businessman, that my services
are worth a great deal more to you. Therefore," I concluded, "when
that time comes you must be prepared to expect from me a request
for a much higher salary."

"All right," he agreed. "If you can do what you claim, you'll
be earning it. All the other engineers have a three years* contract.
I suppose you'll want the same?"

"No," I replied, "you'll be able to determine in six months just
how valuable my services are to you. If I should enter into an
agreement for a longer period, and then fall out of favor with you,
you could make it so uncomfortable for me that out of self-respect
I should have to tender my resignation and you would consequently
be relieved of your contract. On the other hand, if I were tied up
for three years with you, I should not be permitted to resign even
if the position became distasteful to me. In other words, Mr. Bar-
nato, I should regard such a contract as one-sided and to my dis-
advantage."

Rather to my surprise, Barnato accepted all my terms, and the
agreement was drawn up and signed the following day.

202 TLe Autobiography of Joktt Hays Hammond

The next day I spent in Edinburgh, and presented my report to
the directors of the Arizona Copper Company, While at their
mine in Arizona, I had assumed the responsibility of discharging
the manager of the property whom I found incompetent and more
than wasteful of the company's funds. I had temporarily installed
James Colquhoun, their chief chemist.

The directors approved my report of the changes I had suggested
for the development of the mines and the treatment of the ores
but when it came to adopting my recommendation that Colquhoun
be made permanent manager they demurred, saying they doubted
whether he had the ability for such a position. I reassured them
as to this. Then the question of salary came up. They said they
had known him for many years and he had never been the recipient
of such a large salary as was paid to the manager of their mines. I
told them that was really a small matter, and I sympathized with
Colquhoun in that they had evidently undervalued his services in
the past and had not given him the compensation to which he
was entitled.

The subsequent history of the great success of the Arizona Copper
Company under Colquhoun's able management justified my recom-
mendation; he remained there many years, until the property was
sold by the Arizona company to the well-known firm of Phelps-
Dodge. Thirty years later I had the pleasure of renewing pay
acquaintance with Colquhoun, at Del Monte, California. In the
meantime, as manager of large copper interests in Russia he had had
most thrilling experiences after the Soviets had taken over the
country. With great difficulty he finally escaped and went back
to England, where he now resides.

By the end of the week I had completed my business with the
Arizona Copper Company and with Barnato. I returned at once
to the United States to settle up my affairs before taking my family
to South Africa. Barnato, meanwhile, went to Cape Town.

It was due to the Brothers Struben that the Johannesburg gold
fields developed so rapidly, although gold was first discovered there
by a man named Arnold in 1885. In 1886 Johannesburg began
rapidly to grow through the activity of the new discovery.

Whether one regarded him with admiration or distaste, Barney

TABLE MOUNTAIN, CAPE TOWN

BARNEY BARNATO (1852-1897)

TLe Call to Africa 203

Barnato was an extraordinary character. He was born in London
in 1852, the son of a Jewish shopkeeper in WhitechapeL The name
"Barney" Barnato, by which he was generally known, was not his
own. He had assumed it in place of the original Barnett Isaacs
when he set up a small store in Kimberley, the raw new town in
the diamond fields.

His parents had been unable to make much headway financially.
Barney, however, had inherited not only their tenacity but had in
himself tremendous resourcefulness and energy. Although self-
educated, he had a brilliant mind and possessed a remarkable
appreciation of intellectual achievement in others. As is generally
true of his race, he was fond of his family and loyal to his friends.

As a companion he was interesting; as an entertainer, inimitable.
Amateur theatricals had been his chief relaxation as a boy in Lon-
don. He could quote more extensively and accurately from Shake-
speare than anyone else I have ever known. Frankly proud of his
dramatic talents, he seized every opportunity to display them. To
the great advantage of charity, he staged many benefits in Johannes-
burg, not only engaging the theater and supporting cast but assum-
ing all other expenses. His performance in The Bells that famous
play which the great Henry Irving had made his own was quite
untouched by amateur failings.

I was once seated next to Barney at a large stag dinner in London.
According to the English custom of hiring a music hall artist to
entertain their guests, Marshall P. Wilder, an American, was the
one selected for that evening. He was so successful in keeping
his audience in gales of laughter that I, who knew Barney well,
could see that Wilder's quips had quickened in my friend those
inexhaustible springs of anecdotes that were always ready to bubble
oven

I wrote hastily on a card 'Try Barney" and sent it to our host.
At an appropriate moment this suggestion was acted upon. Barney,
nothing loath, accepted the invitation and, like a conjurer, began
to produce from his prodigious memory such varied examples
of humor that the guests sat enthralled. Although at first Wilder
was somewhat piqued at losing his audience, he also was caught
under the magic speU of Barney's flow of reminiscence and aneo

204 The Autooiograpky of John Hays Hammoncl

dote. When the party finally broke up in the small hours of the
morning he approached Barney and thanked him with the true
artist's ungrudging appreciation for a master of his own craft.

In Barney's frequent voyages back and forth from London to the
Cape he was always accompanied by his wife, his children, and
two pets. The first of these pets was an English pugdog named
Blue Rock, who received as much attention from the friends of
the Barnato family as one of the children. The other was a green
parrot who possessed a luxurious gilded cage. After his success in
the gold fields Barney had initiated the custom of giving occasional
breakfasts to friends of his on the stock exchange. The parrot had
been taught to greet the guests with, "Barney, what price Primrose
today?" Primrose was one of Barney's gold mines, the stock of
which was rising perceptibly in price at this time, due perhaps in
part to the parrot's advertising,

Barney was a master of financial wizardry in any field. Jacob
Schiff and other Jewish banker friends of mine once asked me what
I thought of his ability as a financier. I told them that if he were
alive today and penniless, I would grubstake him to a few hundred
dollars and a push-cart, and that, launched with this small capital,
he would soon be taking their money away from them in Wall
Street. They did not particularly like this characterization of Bar-
ney; nevertheless, I do believe his equal would have been hard
to find.

Barney was the sort of man who never let his pride stand in the
way of his making "an honest penny." One day, I said, "Barney,
I will get some people from the 'Corner House' "meaning the
Eckstein Company, local representatives of Wernher, Beit and Com-
pany "to come over and have a talk with you about a project
Eckstein discussed with me today."

Barney inquired, "Do you think there is anything to it?'*

"Yes," I replied. "It looks pretty good!"

"Well," said Barney, "I will not waste any time. I will go right
over and see him. I'm a busy man,' but I have always found that
if I go to the other fellow's office, I can get away better. I will
not be detained too long, and if things are not going as I want

Tke Call to Africa 205

them to, but are against me, I can always say that I have an im-
portant engagement and leave."

Barnato bought his first claim in the Kimberley diamond fields
in 1876 with money saved from his shop. Only five years later he
floated his first company. From the hundreds of small claims then
operating in the pits came a flood of jewels that was disrupting the
diamond market Barnato was one of the first to see that the great
opportunities for profits lay in amalgamating the smaller companies
into larger organizations, which could then control output and
keep supply commensurate with demand. In a few years the
diamond companies were mainly aligned in two groups: the De
Beers with Barnato at its head, and the Kimberley controlled by
Cecil Rhodes. Finally, in 1888, the two competing groups were
joined into the great De Beers Consolidated Mines, Ltd., which still
controls the major part of the world's diamond output.

In the autumn of 1893 m Y family consisting of myself and wife,
my sister Betty, and my two sons Harris and Jack came to Africa.
Still distinct in my mind is the memory of that first view of Table
Mountain as it stood out clear and stark in the golden sunrise. Often
since then I have seen it covered by clouds as by a tablecloth. From
the deck of the steamer Scot, Cape Town seemed a part of the white
surf breaking on the shore.

"Mr. Barnato came down to meet us in high good spirits, and
from my cabin," wrote my wife in describing our arrival, "where
I was searching for small boys* caps and coats, I could overhear his
hearty welcome, and his breezy excuses for not being conventionally
dressed to meet us.

" 1 had time only to put on my ulster over my pajamas, I was
so anxious to be down at the wharf in time to receive you/ he said,
'but I don't suppose Mrs. Hammond will mind.' The heart of
'Mrs. Hammond' in the cabin dropped at these significant words;
and it seemed to her that crossing the equator had subverted other
laws than those of climate."

After we had passed through the Custom House, Barnato himself
took one of my handbags and we mounted into a waiting Cape
cart. In this peculiar high-wheeled contrivance we drove to the
Queens Hotel in near-by Sea Point where a suite had been reserved

206 Xne Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

for us through Barnato's forethought. The peak of the morning's
excitement for the children was Barnato's parrot which he had
brought along to entertain them.

There was some difference of opinion between the landlady and
my wife as to which rooms were more suitable for the children.
The landlady thought it a great mistake for the children to have
the best rooms in the suite. Indeed, she objected to their being with
us at all. My wife explained that it was now too late for us to rid
ourselves of these encumbrances, but that we should guarantee
good behavior on their part. I admit, we were assuming consider-
able liability.

There was further difficulty when I asked for a bedroom fire
for Jack, who was not well. I was told that the chimney smoked
and a fire was out of the question, and in any case it was better for
the boy to get up and exercise to keep warm. "Fires are not con-
sidered healthy in South Africa," the landlady volunteered. In
spite of these minor differences of opinion, there was about the place
a fraternal spirit to which we quickly accustomed ourselves.

As there was little to amuse the children at Sea Point, Barnato
kindly took them to his office where they could be entertained by
looking at his great collection of diamonds. When he brought the
boys back, full of excitement over the shining playthings, Barnato
told us how chance had just played him a scurvy trick. It was
customary for the De Beers Diamond Company once a year to sell
the entire annual output of the mines to the highest bidder based
on the price per carat, irrespective of the size of the diamonds.
Barnato had held the contract which had just expired. Within an
hour after the new syndicate had assumed control a lucky blast had
uncovered a pocket which contained many diamonds of large size.
This was hard luck for Barnato, as the value of the find ran into
several hundred thousand dollars. When these diamonds were
retailed, the price per carat mounted greatly with the increased
weight of the stone.

I did not stay in Cape Town any longer than was necessary, but
started almost immediately on the thousand-mile rail journey north
to Johannesburg. The city was located on the high veldt which
stretched far and wide in every direction. The houses were in no

Tke Call to Africa 207

way pretentious, being merely one-story structures, each with its
broad veranda.

Those who had seen something of the western mining camps in
the United States, supposed we suffered similar privations in Johan-
nesburg. Though the town was comparatively new, it was not
a mining camp in the western sense of the word, but had already
attained a cosmopolitan atmosphere. As a matter of fact, living
conditions in Johannesburg were quite equal to those in large cities
elsewhere in the world. Everything was very expensive, but salaries
were high and markets were plentiful.

The population, of course, was extremely heterogeneous. The
small percentage of Boers was almost drowned out by the foreign
inhabitants, who had built up the city after the gold discovery. The
majority of the Uitlanders as we foreigners were called were law-
abiding substantial citizens by temperament, and most of us were
accompanied by our family

My wife was keenly observant of the social customs of this new
environment. She found the elaborate and costly balls rather dull
because the husbands always retired to the smoking room to discuss
mining problems and local politics. Because of ever-increasing in-
terference from the Boer government at Pretoria, these subjects,
truly interrelated as will be shown later, occupied the men for the
entire evening. The women devoted this prolonged interval to talk-
ing about their own feminine concerns. What little gossip there
was had neither malice nor unfriendliness in it.

Although Johannesburg was largely an English community, not
much time was devoted to sports; the men were too hard at work all
day. An occasional polo match, gymkhana, and now and then a
horse race were held at the Wanderers' Club. These social functions
were usually made disagreeable by the constant dust from the bleak
dry veldt and the "tailing" piles of the mills.

Because the town was so prosperous at this time, servants were
hard to procure no matter what inducements might be held out to
them. On one occasion my wife advertised for a housemaid and a
delicate little woman applied. When asked about her experience,
she admitted that she had had none beyond keeping a tearoom
in town; she had once been in the asylum, and now that she felt

208 Tne AutokiograpJby of John Hays Hammond

her mental ills coming on again from overwork, she thought she
would like to be in domestic service.

On another occasion we advertised for a coachman. As my wife
described it, a dapper-looking individual with curly banged hair
and golden mustache applied. Genial and communicative, he said
he had never been a private coachman, but was a first-rate driver
of oxen. He wanted a position as Mr. Hammond's servant because
it would give him a standing among his fellows.

Our native servants were quite different from the Chinese to
whom we had been accustomed in California. One of our house-
boys was docile, but very forgetful. When reproved for remissness
he invariably went to his cabin, arrayed himself in a straw hat and
a sweater violendy striped red and yellow, and sang Lead, Kindly
Light with the voice of an angel. Another houseboy was a six-foot
Zulu named Jim, who had to be treated as though he were a child
of six.

I remember giving a dinner to Baron Ferdinand Rothschild on
one occasion when he visited Johannesburg. There was everything
in the food line that one could find anywhere else: fruit and vege-
tables came from Cape Town; we had the choicest wines that die
best cellars of Europe could provide.

At this time we had a fine, but expensive, chef whom my wife
had hired in Paris and brought to Johannesburg; not with the idea
of ostentation, but because she wanted to be sure of my having the
proper and most palatable food. This chef had been employed by
one of the Rothschilds of Vienna. He was an excellent cook; one
of the best. My wife wondered how the Rothschilds could afford
to let such a man leave their service. Some weeks later when my
wife came to me in dismay over the bills run up by the chef, I said,
"Well, maybe the answer is, the Rothschilds couldn't afford to
keep him."

Some time later, I planned to give a dinner to Alfred Beit. The
afternoon of the dinner, the chef started getting drunk, and wound
up by chasing one of the maids around the house with a butcher's
cleaver. It was necessary to overpower him and lock him up. The
dinner had to be called off at the eleventh hour. When the man
sobered up I gave him a good scolding, but tolerated him for a

Tke Call to Africa 209

while longer. Then he began drinking again, and finally it was
necessary for me to give him a good thrashing and discharge him.
He immediately started in business for himself, as a caterer, and
made twice as much money as he had been receiving. I discovered
that he had deliberately got drunk so that I would fire him and he
could open his own business. I sometimes found it embarrassing
when dining with friends, to discover that the food was supplied
by the caterer whom I had discharged as my chef.

A man's wife and this applies particularly to the engineering
prof ession can exert an unusual or peculiar influence on his success.
A woman of this kind, who has sympathy and understanding, can
do much to ensure the cooperation of her husband's staff. My
wife learned first aid when she was a young woman, and many
times she applied that knowledge and afforded great relief to the
suffering when physicians were not available.

In Johannesburg our Sunday luncheons were given up to enter-
taining young engineers, or engineers away from their homes and
families, to give them a share in a domestic atmosphere. This had
naturally, though it was not intended for that purpose, a great
moral influence.

My wife always believed that men ought not to talk shop away
from shop, and for that reason she established a rule of fining any-
one who attempted to discuss technical mining matters. If "pump/*
"gear," "shaft," or any other such term was used at our home, she
would fine the person using it, the money to be given to charity.
Because it was difficult at first to teach the men not to refer to the
subject of mining, she collected quite a sum.

Immediately on my arrival in Johannesburg, I looked up my
old friend, and classmate at Freiberg, Edgar Rathbone. (He was
the father of Basil Rathbone, the well-known English actor.) Rath-
bone had been employed for a year or more as mining reporter on
one of the Johannesburg papers. He had an intimate knowledge
of the relations of the mining groups, of which there were several
strongly competing ones on the Rand.

I spent the greater part of two or three days quietly apart with

210 TLe Autooiograpny of J onn Hays Hammond

Rathbone, and from him I got a good knowledge of the dramatis
personae of the mining industry. This information was of great
value to me, and undoubtedly prevented my making mistakes in
my dealings with these men. Otherwise, I would have required
several months of actual experience ta find my way about in my
business dealings with the various groups engaged in mining.

Rathbone was most eager to be of help to me, not only because
of our friendship during Freiberg days in '76-^79, but because I had
been able to render him an important service.

Before I left the United States I received a cablegram from Rath-
bone, saying that his firm in England was very much embarrassed.
It had agreed to send an engineer to examine a mining property in
Nevada, but unforeseen circumstances made it impossible for an
engineer from London to make the examination before the expira-
tion of the option held on the property by their clients.

At no little inconvenience, and with a good deal of hardship to
reach the mine in winter, I made the examination for Rathbone's
firm and sent a cable report on the property. This relieved his firm
of the financial liability which would have been imposed in default
of the report they had agreed to make. Rathbone was naturally
grateful for my help in this matter.

Ernest Wiltsee had preceded me to the Transvaal and had written
glowing accounts of its future. Victor Clement accompanied me
to South Africa, while shortly afterwards Pope Yeatman, George
Starr, E. M. Garthwaite, Hal Tilghman, Robert Catlin, and S. B.
Connor were included in my staff of American engineers. I soon
added several brilliant young English geologists: S. J. Truscott, now
professor of mining at the Imperial College of Science and Tech-
nology in London, Dr. F. H. Hatch, and J. A. Chalmers. This
was an exceptionally able staff whose services contributed greatly
to the successful development of the mining properties of Barnato,
and subsequently of Rhodes.

Part of my arrangement with Barnato was that I should be free

to accept other engagements as a consulting engineer so long as

they did not conflict with his interests. This had always been

my custom.

Soon after my arrival in Africa, I was employed on the recom-

THE MARKET PLACE, JOHANNESBURG

DR. MURRAY AND JACKIE IN MY CAPE CART

Tke Call to Africa 211

mendation of Eugene de Crano to examine for some of his English
clients a mining property near Johannesburg in which a great deal
of money was involved. My examination did not take long as it
was a type of geological formation with which I was familiar.
In due time I sent in the bill for my services.

De Crano wrote me in a friendly but frank tone that his clients
were rather surprised at the amount of my bill. They had previ-
ously consulted another engineer on the Rand who would have
made the examination in question for much less money, "if he
had known that type of mining "

I replied that I did not consider the fee excessive. I said the
arguments of his clients reminded me of the sea captain who was
in a great hurry to get his clearance papers at a port in Maine. By
employing the lawyer most familiar with the necessary procedure
he obtained them without delay.

On the way to his boat the captain met one of his friends who
said, "Well, Cap, you're getting out quick."
"Sure thing/' replied the captain, with a smirk of satisfaction,
"How much did it cost you?"
"Twenty-five dollars/* admitted the captain.
"Gosh Almighty! Why, ole lawyer Smith would of done it for
five dollars if he'd a-known how/*
De Crano saw the point.

My first task in Johannesburg was to inspect Barnato's mining
properties and to advise him about them. I soon called his attention
to the East Rand gold-mining section, at that time undeveloped,
and urged him to acquire an interest there. But Barney was
occupied with other matters, principally social, and did not adopt
my recommendation. He spent too much time listening to stock-
brokers who were trying to interest him in various speculative
schemes. Barney was always a speculator at heart; he employed
his tremendous courage on the long chance rather than on the sure
thing. This does not mean, however, that he had vision or fore-
sight as to future developments in mining.

This was well brought out by his reaction when I urged upon
him the possibilities in deep-level mining; that is, the working of
ore bodies at several thousand feet below the mining operations at

212 Tie Autobiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

that time. Although surface claims above the deep-level areas had
not been taken up and could have been obtained cheaply, yet since
the majority of mining experts still thought such a scheme chi-
merical, Barney would not listen to me.

Naturally I was much disappointed that my recommendations
on these two important propositions had been ignored. The first
project, the development of the East Rand, was subsequently taken
up by others and proved enormously remunerative. Hundreds of
millions of dollars were extracted from the very properties I had
once recommended to Barnato. The second scheme, the opening
of the deep levels, will be referred to later.

Barnato's repeated failure to act on my recommendations decided
me to resign at the end of six months' engagement. He also made
things difficult for me by failing to keep appointment after appoint-
ment which I made for him with the owners of valuable mining
claims- When I suggested leaving his employ, Barney seemed both
surprised and disappointed. He asked me to wait until he should
arrive at Madeira, en route to London whither he was sailing within
a few days. He advanced as his reason for the delay that he would
have no opportunity before he departed to discuss with Woolf Joel,
his nephew and business associate, the renewal of my engagement
on the basis of my contract, but that on the steamer between Cape
Town and Madeira he would take up the matter with Joel and
would cable me from there a proposition to renew my services. I
replied that unless I could accept his proposal without further nego-
tiations, if so facto my engagement with him would terminate.

I saw in the newspaper that Barney's ship had arrived at Madeira,
but the promised cable did not materialize. As soon as I knew
the steamer must have left for London, I presented my resignation
to Solly Joel, the nephew in charge of Barnato's Johannesburg office.
He endeavored to prevail upon me to wait until I heard from Barney
on his arrival in London, but this I declined to do. I told him that
it; was not a question of compensation alone; that my coming to
South Africa had been heralded as the arrival of "Barnato's White
Elephant,'* and that I felt it was doing myself an injustice to let
pass opportunities of making a professional reputation, because of

TLe Call to Africa 213

Barnato's failure to avail himself of the counsel I had given him.
Accordingly, I insisted on definitely resigning.

Although I had given him timely notice, Barney was taken aback
by my leaving his company. We always remained good friends,
however, and for some time after joining Rhodes I continued to
manage Barnato's mines.

The news of my resignation spread rapidly. Almost immediately
came a telegram from Cecil Rhodes, who had recently been made
prime minister of Cape Colony, asking me to come to see him at
Cape Town. I had already met Rhodes on a train, having been
introduced to him by Robert Williams. He knew that I was then
under contract with the Barnatos for a fixed period and had not
approached me during that time. I had already received offers
from several powerful syndicates contingent upon leaving Barnato.
They had even proposed to finance independent companies in which
I was to have an interest. None of these offers, however, proved
sufficient inducement. Rhodes was the big man of Africa, and it
was with him that I preferred to become identified, and I lost no
time in accepting his invitation and starting for Groote Schuur,
his famous residence not far from Cape Town,

Early on a beautiful South African spring morning in 1894,
Rhodes and I retired to a stone bench a few hundred yards from
the house, on a little path leading up to Table Mountain. From
this point our glances ranged over the glorious harbor.

As we sat there I studied Rhodes. He presented a striking figure,
typically Augustan, I thought, with his heavy forehead, his strong
mouth, and square cleft chin. This impression of his origin was
strengthened by the curly blond hair, always in confusion. His
gray-blue eyes could be cold as ice, but when he smiled, as he
frequently did, they were no longer cold. Although slender when
young, as he grew older his big-boned frame filled out until he
seemed to tower rocklike over most of his companions. His hands
were blunt and powerful, expressive of himself. He rarely moved
them to gesticulate.

Rhodes came to the point quickly. "Mr. Hammond," he begun,
"I take it you are not in South Africa for your health ?"

214 Tne Autobiograpky of Jonn Hays Hammond

"No, Mr. Rhodes," I replied; "with due appreciation for the
climate of South Africa, I prefer that of California."

"Well," he continued, "how would the idea appeal to you of
taking charge of all my mining interests on the Rand ?" And he
added, "Name your own salary!"

"Seventy-five thousand dollars a year and a participation in the
profits would suit me*"

"All right," he promptly agreed.

"But," I added, "I want to deal directly with you without inter-
ference from your local board of directors. Unless this can be
arranged, I can't accept."

I told him frankly that I had a very poor opinion of his properties
but I felt that with his backing I could acquire some other mining
interests to level up his investments, Rhodes picked up a scrap
of paper only a few inches long, and wrote on it:

Mr. Hammond is authorized to ma\e any purchases
for going ahead, and has full authority, -provided he
informs me of it and gets no protest.

In this brief manner I was made chief consulting engineer of the
Consolidated Gold Fields of South Africa, and soon afterwards of
the British South Africa Company (Chartered), which controlled
the mining rights of the country then known as Mashonaland and
Matabeleland. On the sole strength of this little scrap of paper, I
spent many hundred thousand pounds.

There was naturally considerable friction when I took over this
position, owing to the jealousy felt by some of the English engineers
towards their American colleagues. But Rhodes gave me his un-
qualified support and agreed to accept any recommendation I should
make on one condition: the acquiescence of his brother, Captain
Ernest Rhodes, former engineer in the British Army, who was at
that time resident managing director of his companies. As I had
formed a high opinion of Captain Rhodes and he had expressed
confidence in my judgment, I felt sure he would accept my recom-
mendations without hesitation.

Ernest was entirely different from Rhodes in temperament. He
was a soldier, fine and high-principled, but he knew little about

TLe Call to Africa 215

mining or finance. Rhodes would say, "If Ernest agrees, and you
don't hear to the contrary, go ahead." Ernest always agreed and I
never heard to the contrary. We made rapid progress.

Thus fairly early in 1894 I had the Rhodes mines well organized,
with the help of my mining staff who had followed me from the
Barnatos. I secured additional engineers from America.

Barney chose to consider that Rhodes had played him a mean
trick. He went to see Rhodes and, thumping the table angrily, said:
"Suppose you had a first-rate chef and after dining with you I hired
him away from you. You'd think me a cad, wouldn't you? and
you'd be right, too. But you've done the same sort of thing in
getting Hammond away from me."

My explanation here will show that this was wholly unjust

Later at a banquet given to the leaders of the Reform Committee
after their release from Pretoria Gaol, Barney was kind enough
to say that he regarded me as the best investment he had ever made
and was sorry he had not followed my advice. Although I had not
been connected with him for several years prior to his death, I still
had a genuine affection for him, for which there was good reason.

Barney Barnato stood bail for me when the Boer government
permitted me to go to Cape Town because I was ill of Zambesi
dysentery. In fact, he remained in Pretoria for six months, doing
everything in his power to help me. On my return from Cape Town
to Pretoria to stand trial, Barney vehemently criticized my fool-
hardiness in coming back.

I said, "Barney, didn't you feel a little worried that I might skip
out and you'd have to forfeit $100,000?"

He replied hotly. "I thought you had more sense than to come
back when you might have skipped out altogether. The $100,000
bail is nothing to me. You and I could make that in London in a
few days. Now you're in for God knows how long."

Barnato's end was tragic and lamentable. A few months before
his death in 1897 he formed a corporation called the Barnato Bank
to take over all his mining interests. On his advice many friends
in England purchased shares in this new company. There was
every reason to suppose Barney's representations as to the value of
the stock would be realized; but unfortunately a financial depression

216 TLe Autoklograpky of Jolm Hays Hammond

set in in London and the Barnato Bank stock, with all other South
African shares listed on the market, sharply declined.

Barney, who was in Johannesburg at the time, became seriously
depressed. The prospect of hurrying to London to meet his dis-
appointed shareholders weighed so heavily on his mind that he
threatened to commit suicide. His nephew, Solly, and some of his
friends made it their business to keep constant watch over him on
the voyage.

So carefully did they guard him that he did not succeed in carry-
ing out his intention until the day before the steamer touched
Madeira. While pacing the deck arm in arm with Joel, Barney
said, with disarming casualness, "Solly, what time is it?" Solly
released his grip for a moment to get out his watch, whereupon
Barney rushed to the rail and jumped overboard. It is said that
the fourth officer of the Scot almost lost his life in a vain attempt
to save poor Barnato. When the body was recovered he was dead.

As I happened to be in London when Barnato's body was brought
to Southampton, I was able to render some slight service to his
family by taking charge of his remains.

The tragic irony of Barney's suicide lay in the fact that it was
so unnecessary. Had he lived to reach Madeira, where he would
have been in touch with London by cable, he would have learned
that the market had taken a turn upward; that the shares he had
sold to his friends were actually standing at a premium, and that
he would not have had to suffer the ignominy of facing a disap-
pointed group of shareholders; on the contrary, he would have
been the recipient of hearty congratulations.

Under the management of Solly Joel the Barnato firm eventually
became the greatest financial power in England, surpassing even
the Rothschilds*

CHAPTER THIRTEEN

Xxie limpire Builder

RHODES'S EARLY LIFE THE FIRST DIAMONDS
AT KIMBERLEY OXFORD THE HIGHEST OBJECT
RHODES'S ''NORTH" HIS LAST WILL THE AMAL-
GAMATION AT KIMBERLEY THE RAND CONSOLIDA-
TION "l DO LIKE POWER" GENEROSITY "FOUR
THOUSAND YEARS" GROOTE SCHUUR PICKER-
ING AND JAMESON UNCONVENTIONALITY "so
LITTLE DONE" MATABELE DEATH CEREMONIAL

Rhodes has been considered
a mysterious figure by many
historians. At the time I was with him in South Africa, he was
greatly misunderstood by the world at large but never disparaged
by those associated with him in the development of South Africa,
More is known about him, however, as time goes on, and his true
worth becomes less difficult to discern. He looms higher with each
succeeding year.

His career was intense and magical, so crowded with action and
event that it was impossible for most of his contemporaries to see
the man with any clarity of perspective. There were those who
argued that he was a proud and greedy hypocrite; there were others
who considered him a great humanitarian whose ideals were irre-
proachable. The South African natives are said to have thought
him mad. If so, it was the kind of madness that appealed to them
and made them trust and follow him. It is certain that he was

217

218 Xne Autobiography of Jolin Hays Hammond

possessed of an energy so inexhaustible that to the ordinary man
he must have seemed almost a demon. Coupled with this energy
was a driving desire for power whether for himself first and for
his country afterwards, or vice versa, was a question at one time
debated by his friends and admirers who knew him, as well as by
his political enemies and those who had had no contact with him
but not now. History has settled this in favor of Rhodes's pro-
tagonists. Whatever his motives, whatever the complex psycho-
logical sides of his character, the effect of his deeds has been in-
disputably great, as he was the greatest personality I have ever
known.

I have known many statesmen, industrialists, and scientists in my
life, and have been associated with some of them in politics and
business. I have talked with explorers, philosophers, writers,
scholars, and military leaders who have achieved distinction, but no
one of them stands out so vividly in my memory as typifying great-
ness as does this man who lies buried in the Matoppo Hills of
British South Africa.

I had the good fortune to be intimately associated with Rhodes
for seven years. He was my close friend- I was engaged with him
in the active management of large mining enterprises. Most im-
portant of all, we were coconspirators in a political revolution.

For these reasons I may claim a special knowledge of him. In
my estimate of his career and character I do not believe that I am
moved by blind hero worship. I have tried to be impartial. In
some respects my relations with Rhodes were more detached than
were those of others. In the first place, he was not quite two years
older than I, and the disparity of age was not sufficient to induce
in me reverence for one whom I admired. In our business dealings
events had so shaped themselves that I was more necessary to him
and he was less indispensable to me. That gave me a sense of inde-
pendence the importance of which Rhodes fully appreciated. For
these reasons, and because of the fact that I am an American and
not overcome by the patriotism that inspires Englishmen, I feel
better qualified to judge Rhodes than might otherwise have been
the ca$e. He had decided faults and irritating ones; but they were

The Empire Builder 219

chiefly faults that accompany greatness. The faults of a man among
whose heroes was Napoleon Bonaparte.

Cecil John Rhodes was born in the quiet vicarage of Bishop's
Stortford, in Hertfordshire, England, on July 5, 1853. He was
the fifth son of the Reverend F. W. Rhodes, a well-to-do clergyman
of liberal tendencies, who held this living for twenty-seven years-
Cecil was educated at the grammar school of Bishop's Stortford with
the intention of preparing him for the church. It was only at
home, however, that he was addressed by his Christian name. At
school and thereafter he was known as Rhodes, and only as Rhodes.
His older brothers were called Captain Ernest and Colonel Frank,
or Herbert, or whatever their names were, but his patronymic, like
that of Caesar, formed his only tide.

This boy, whose nickname was "Empire Builder," who thought
in continents and eons, had started life with the serious handicap
of a frail constitution. At the age of sixteen his health broke down.
The English climate was not good for anyone threatened with
tuberculosis; hence, in the latter part of 1870, he joined his eldest
brother, Herbert, who was cotton-farming in Natal, South Africa.
He did not remain long in an agricultural environment; shortly
after he arrived, diamonds were discovered at Kimberley and by the
end of 1871 Rhodes and his brother were busy digging.

Kimberley in those early days was neither inviting nor healthful.
It lacked sanitation and was a fever breeder, yet the out-of-door
life and dry air of the interior seemed to benefit young Rhodes.

The illimitable spaces of the veldt invited an expansion of
Rhodes's mental horizon far beyond that possible within the cir-
cumscribed limits of an English country village* Yet England
called him home. Oxford was a part of his tradition, and he could
not break with it.

Digging in the diamond pits did not at first bring him riches,
but he did succeed in making enough to permit hin> to matriculate
at Oriel College, Oxford, when he was twenty. On account of
interruptions through ill health and the necessity of looking after
his interests in Kimberley, he was obliged to keep his terms inter-
mittently; and did not receive his degree until December, 1881.
Although he did not read with particular diligence at Oxford and

220 TLe Autobiography of JoLti Hays Hammond

was more than once reprimanded for nonattendance at lectures
during his earlier terms, he passed all his examinations. The study
of prescribed courses did not interest him; he was no student in the
academic sense. The books he liked he absorbed thoroughly.
Biography, political economy. Gibbon, and certain of the classics,
particularly Marcus Aurelius and Aristotle, he read enthusiastically
to the end of his life. Above all, he was a student of his fellow men.

Know then thyself, presume not God to scan;
The proper study of mankind is Man.

He seemed to be following the precept of Phillips Brooks, who
said, "No man has come to true greatness who has not felt in some
degree that his life belongs to his race, and that what God gives
him he gives him for mankind."

Rhodes's long vacations were spent in South Africa where his
financial interests were daily increasing in importance.

There were then two important influences acting on his young
mind: the first was Oxford, and the encouragement of his ideas
that he had obtained there; the second was South Africa.

When he was only nineteen, the year before he entered Oxford,
he spent eight months in journeying with his brother Herbert, who
was on his way to the Tad gold fields, through the little known
regions lying to the north of the Orange and Vaal rivers. He carried
with him as his chief equipment his well-worn volumes of Greek
and Latin classics. His route lay through Bechuanaland to Mafe-
king, from there to Pretoria, and through Pilgrim's Rest in the
Drakensberg Mountains to the borders of Matabeleland. He re-
turned through the Transvaal to Kimberley, passing at the rate of
some fifteen to twenty miles a day through vast spaces of rolling
veldt.

This expedition had a profound effect upon him. He became
convinced that this country, so full of potentialities yet so sparsely
populated, should and could be secured for occupation by Great
Britain. This was directly in line with his fondness for Aristotle,
whom he had now accepted as a guide and whose precept he fol-
lowed in seeking the "highest object" on which to exercise the

Tke Empire BuilcJer 221

"highest activity of the soul." During this trip he found that
"highest object" to which he proposed to devote his future life
the domination of the world by the British people.

The political theory on which his career was patterned is set forth
in the first of his six wills, written on the long vacation at Kimberley
when he was only twenty-two. The preamble states his reasons for
accepting the aggrandizement of the British Empire as his ultimate
aim of practical achievement. It ends with a single bequest every-
thing of which he might die possessed was to be used to further
this great purpose.

Rhodes's plan was to form a secret society whose aim would be to
extend British rule throughout the world by perfecting a system
of emigration from the British Isles to any and all lands that could
be colonized successfully by energy, labor, and enterprise. He
specifically enumerated those parts of the world which he con-
sidered suitable for this purpose: the whole of Africa, Palestine, the
Euphrates Valley, Cyprus and Crete, all of South America, what-
ever Pacific islands were not already possessed by Great Britain, the
Malay Archipelago, the Chinese and Japanese seaboard, and, lastly,
the recovery of the United States as an integral part of the British
Empire.

He proposed to have these colonies represented in an imperial
parliament which would weld them together. The resultant power
would "render wars impossible and would promote the best interests
of humanity." This, in its initial form, was the grandiose political
theory of this amazing young man. Present-day psychiatrists would
designate this a Messianic complex. Modified by circumstances,
it served as a model throughout his life. Again and again in
Rhodes's utterances we find expression of his love of peace and
of humanity.

Only a year after he had made this first will, Rhodes and four
other young men addressed a long letter to a fellow imperialist,
Disraeli, then prime minister of Great Britain, in which they told
him how the Empire should be run. Not long before Rhodes
died, he said to me, "I have never deviated from the policy I laid
down in that letter."
His theory was in many respects practical in others visionary

222 Tne A.utooiograpliy of Joltn Hays Hammond

but in his mind it was based on logical premises which led inevita-
bly to one end: the hegemony of the Anglo-Saxon race, which he
considered not only the most civilized, but also the most capable
of all the races in the world. Long ahead of other Englishmen he
recognized that the future greatness of England lay in a federal
arrangement with her dominions.

He insisted that British statesmen should be imperial-minded; he
had no use for Gladstonian Little Englanders. "What should they
know of England who only England know?" says Kipling in
The English Flag.

He wanted coadjutors who would agree with him that Great
Britain should acquire new territories, to serve, on the one hand, as
sources of raw materials and, on the other, as markets for the manu-
factured products of the mother country. This, he felt, was the
only way to prevent foreign countries from securing an economic
grip on world trade and erecting prohibitive tariff walls against
England. Although the men of his time regarded such a change
in British colonial policy as revolutionary, his plans disregarded
utterly the static influence of time and custom. His conception is
now a recognized fact as evidenced by the Ottawa agreement.

It was natural that the practical application of his plan should
be confined to Africa. He was passionately convinced that Africa
must be kept open for British occupation and commercial exploita-
tion. In this lies the key to his political policy.

Rhodes never made any secret of his aims and ambitions. He
loved to get out a big adas and study it. Perhaps the best known
story about him is that in which, sweeping his hand over the map
of Africa from the Cape to the Mediterranean, he exclaimed, "I
want^to see that all British red!" It was in line with this ideal of
building an empire for Great Britain that he relentlessly pushed
the British boundaries always farther and farther towards his
"North; 5

He also enjoyed speculating as to the future of China and Mexico
and other backward countries, trying to look far into the future
to envisage their interrelations.

Rhodes was a sincere admirer of America and Americans. Once,
in. a reflective mood, he remarked to me that "the English-speaking

Tlie Empire Builder 225

race, by its virtues of courage and justice, and in spite of much
muddling, holds the keys of the world. You Americans and we
Britishers both prefer peace to war, and right to wrong. With all
our faults, we are the peacemakers."

Then, after a long pause, he burst forth again and exclaimed
with great vehemence, "Unless we English-speaking peoples stand
together, all that we hold dear and all the ideals we represent will
be lost.'*

On another occasion he roundly denounced George III for the
loss of America, and stated that but for the King's stupidity there
would now be one great country with two capitals one in London,
the other at Washington. In a lighter vein I pointed out that it
might have started with that arrangement of capitals, but that ulti-
mately the American would have absorbed the British, Rhodes
never liked to have his dreams taken lightly. He smiled politely
but he was not amused.

At another time, after listening attentively to my description of
our American system of government, with its separation of authority
into executive, legislative, and judicial branches, he repeated what
he had said on other occasions:

"Don't you think your triple division of authority, however well
knit, too rigid for so vast a country as yours, which contains a
population so divergent in racial origin and economic interest?
Aren't you unconsciously trying to fit all these individuals into your
frame of government? I wonder whether you haven't put your
cart before your horse. In my opinion, the government should fit
the people: moreover, it should be flexible. What is just for a man
in Florida may be rank injustice for a man in Maine. People are
not meant to be ground through a machine and made into political
sausages, all of equal length and weight. That, it seems to me, is
what you Americans are trying to do. You have stubbed your toe
on the rock of equality. All men are not equal. Democracy is
greater than equality; it should mean justice for all!" Rhodes was
eminently an individualist.

He meditated for a moment. As I made no reply, he continued
in effect: "Lawmakers are useful; we have to have them; but all
the legislators in the world cannot build molds in which the human

224 Tne Autotiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

spirit or even human actions can be rigidly confined. The church
tried that for centuries, and failed; and now it seems as if we were
to be circumscribed by legislation which may be as galling as any
tyranny of the Dark Ages."

Rhodes's sixth and final will was, in many ways, an admission
that his earlier ideals were not to be accomplished in his lifetime.
In this last testament the bulk of his vast wealth went to found
scholarships at Oxford for students from every important British
colony and from every state and territory of the United States. The
idea back of this was that young colonists would obtain breadth
of view, training in savoir-faire, and the realization of the advan-
tage of a united empire* The inclusion of American students was
intended to instill in them an affection and a sympathy for the
mother country and thus foster the union of English-speaking peo-
ples. Rhodes and Hawksley, solicitor of the Chartered Company,
who drew up the will, believed, as Sarah Gertrude Millin says in
her biography, Rhodes, that "there were still only the original
thirteen states in the Union of America." So, having provided for
a representative from each state, she says, "there are, accordingly,
rather more Rhodes scholars from America than from all the
British Dominions put together."

Rhodes drew up a list of qualities and accomplishments on the
basis of which these scholars should be chosen. These are as fol-
lows: literary and scholastic ability and attainments; qualities of
manhood, truth, courage, devotion to duty, sympathy for and pro-
tection of the weak, kindliness, unselfishness, and fellowship; exhi-
bition during schooldays of moral force of character and of instincts
to lead and to take an interest in schoolmates; and fondness of
sports.

I have always doubted that Rhodes himself could have qualified
for one of his own scholarships. He certainly would have failed
under "literary and scholastic attainments," while, if judged by suc-
cess in manly outdoor sports such as cricket, football, and the like,
he would have been immediately eliminated on grounds of ill health.
Yet, without ever having been a participant in college sports, he rec-
ognized their value.

Tke Empire Builder 225

Rhodes had been turning this scholarship project over in his mind
for a long time before he actually put it into definite form.

During a discussion concerning the benefits to be conferred upon
the recipients, I ventured to point out that the average American
university student was better informed on the subject of British his-
tory and traditions than the English undergraduate was on American
institutions and customs. "Would it not," I suggested, "be well to
provide for sending English students to America as well as American
students to England?" My views did not prevail, however, and
Rhodes adhered to his original plan.

Rhodes realized that the command of large wealth was requisite
to the accomplishment of 'his great ambition. In the first instance,
he had to create an independent fortune for himself. With the power
thus obtained he could arrange for the financial assistance of others
when needed.

Before the end of his Oxford days, Rhodes was already rising to
wealth, and was establishing his position as a practical financier by
his part in the gradual amalgamation of the Kimberley diamond
mines. This was finally completed March 13, 1888, when, with
Barney Barnato and Alfred Beit, he formed the De Beers Consoli-
dated Mines mentioned in the previous chapter. At thirty-three
Rhodes was the actual head of one of the largest corporations in the
world, which not only produced, but regulated and fixed the prices
of practically the entire world's supply of diamonds. Up to this time
the cutthroat competition in the diamond markets had been so severe
that the price of the stones had actually been below cost of produc-
tion. The industry was on the verge of financial collapse when the
amalgamation went through.

The effects of the combination of the rival diamond interests spread
far beyond Kimberley. At that time Cape Colony itself was de-
pendent upon the diamond industry for a considerable part of its
revenue, and almost entirely for its maintenance.

When the amalgamation agreement had been drawn up, a certain
number of founders* shares were set aside for Rhodes, Barnato, and
Beit. Whereas the regular shares in the company were legally en-
titled to only a fixed return, all the residuum of profits which far
exceeded their expectation was divided among these three men.

226 The Autotiograpliy of Jonn Hays Hammond

Rhodes next devoted his attention to the organization of an im-
portant consolidation of gold mines on the Rand, which he called
the Consolidated Gold Fields of South Africa.

The wealth necessary to carry on the development of the territory
now known as Rhodesia was obtained at first largely from those
associated with him in the diamond fields of Kimberley and the gold
mines on the Rand. With this he formed -the Chartered Company.
In order to make Rhodesia fit into his scheme, he had to find there
first, gold, and then other minerals. If he could locate this mineral
wealth, the railway would naturally follow., and in its wake would
come the agricultural population to feed the industrial development.
His dreams thus far completed, beyond would lie new and greater
territories waiting for the English touch to develop into new colonies.
As I have said, money per se did not interest him. "I do like
power," he admitted to me more than once. He loved this game of
empire building.

Besides the wealth required for the industrial development of his
projects, Rhodes was well aware that the command of political influ-
ence was essential. Accordingly, as early as 1881, when he was twenty-
eight, Rhodes entered the Cape Parliament. Rather than be elected
from Kimberley, where his financial interests would have made
his political success certain, and have been a pocket borough, he chose
to stand for the rural constituency of Barkly West, which, although
largely Dutch in composition, remained faithful to him throughout
his life. Rhodes never for a moment doubted that he would in time
become premier of Cape Colony. This, too, was included in the ca-
reer he had laid out for himself, and die ambition was realized in
July, 1890.

His interest in the betterment of conditions was not confined to
Rhodesia but embraced all South Africa as well He was in a similar
way interested in the Dutch farmers of Cape Colony. It gave him
peculiar pleasure in being of assistance to the Dutch farmers who
were frequent visitors to Groote Schuur.

He would ask an old Dutch farmer what kind of sheep he was
raising. After the farmer told him, Rhodes would say 'Well, let's
get a better breed !" and then went ahead and got them. In this way
he imported superior breeds of sheep, goats, donkeys, and other do-

Bros.

CECIL RHODES (1853-1902)

KIMBERLEY DIAMOND FIELDS

(Letting the day disintegrate by sunlight bejore washing for diamonds)

He Empire Builder 227

mestic animals which seemed best adapted to rocky kopje or grassy
veldt. He used to relate with pleasure that his ancestors, too, had
been men of the soil.

His generous gifts in many ways improved the agricultural
methods of Cape Colony. On one occasion he asked me about the
physical and climatic conditions o California. He then said: "We
have good soil and good climate. Quite as good as California from
what you tell me, but we don't seem to get proper efficiency out of
our horticultural industry/' He asked if I knew some experts in that
line in California. After inquiry I recommended two brothers. He
sent to California for them and started scientific development of hor-
ticulture in Cape Colony which has added materially to the success
of that industry in South Africa. That is why the Dutch continued
to love Rhodes, in spite of the Jameson Raid and President Kruger's
personal hatred of him.

Although Rhodes's income in time reached many millions of dol-
lars a year, he spent little on himself. Most of his spare cash he gave
away privately and with boundless generosity. His personal bank ac-
count was overdrawn most of the time; sometimes he did not have
sixpence about him. His securities were often tucked away in pockets
of disused coats or in obscure pigeonholes of his desk. When, as a
matter of precaution, his secretary hid his checkbook, Rhodes would
issue gift checks on half-sheets of note paper or backs of envelopes,
sometimes signing them in pencil. They were invariably honored
by the banks.

When he had money in his pockets he handled it as though he
were a child who did not understand its value. In London, he was
often forced to apply to his secretary for money to pay cab fares;
when it was given him, it was amusing to see him close his hand
clumsily on as much gold or silver as he could hold and drop it un-
counted into one of his pockets. When he paid his cabby, he would
take out a coin, hand it over, without looking at it, and walk away.
More than once it turned out to be a sovereign.

When I came back to the United States after my South African
experiences, I was disgusted with our American financiers who re-
peatedly asked me how much money Rhodes had left in his will.
I told them the sum was probably from twenty-five to forty millions

228 Xne Automograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

but in this case that amounted to nothing. He could have made
many times that much if he had wanted money for himself. Ac-
tually he never knew how much he had.

Biographers have tried to find something in the physical appearance
of Rhodes to explain his extraordinary attraction for and power over
human beings, black and white. There is really no salient charac-
teristic for them to fix upon. Yet every man who met Rhodes was
conscious of being in the presence of greatness. He gave that strange,
almost hypnotic impression of a man convinced of the grandeur of
his own destiny.

When Rhodes's political career was in eflfect terminated by the
Jameson Raid fiasco, an eminently reputable periodical informed
South Africa that the problem of how to treat him was perfectly
simple. "Just go ahead and ignore him."

Edmund Garrett, the journalist, replied curtly, "As well ignore
Table Mountain."

Many people have tried to apply a general yardstick to human
greatness, but with little success. Each genius must be measured ac-
cording to the nature of his aims and the degree to which he actually
achieved them. No Roman emperor ever won more territory than
Rhodes brought under his native British flag. When the Chartered
Company was incorporated in 1889, he added territory equal to the
combined areas of the British Isles, France, Prussia, Austria, and
Spain. He made possible the federation of the South African states,
and carried halfway to fruition the Cape-to-Cairo Railroad before his
untimely death. Few men have accomplished so much; but Rhodes
knew that his time was limited. And since tihere was no son to in-
herit his ambitions, he was often forced to pound things through by
driving the men who had committed themselves to his cause. From
these men he expected efficiency, but he never expected perfection.
Rhodes was noted as a great compromiser, and in effecting important
political and economic negotiations realized that perfection was not
attainable. But he had no patience with a stupid subordinate and
would be scathing in his denunciation.

I do not believe that Rhodes was the type of man who ordinarily
attempted to crush personalities. He often lost his temper, but he
was not vicious. I have seen him speak very harshly to some of his

Tke Empire BuiUer 229

subordinates, particularly in the case of Dr. Rutherfoord Harris. But
I believe it was because of his feeling that there was no time to lose
in the accomplishment of his purpose and that he could not afford
to be patient in the face of what seemed to him either inefficiency or
delay. He most certainly did not suffer fools gladly.

Although in advancing his cause he did not go so far as to adopt
the Jesuitical maxim that the end justifies the means, yet he felt that
he must be the sole judge of what was good for mankind-
Rhodes had many queer ways and often expressed himself in terms
that might be construed as the insanity of egotism. It was not meant
so. He was merely viewing himself and his work impersonally as
from some Olympian height. In this connection Dr. Jameson told
Percy Fitzpatrick the following story, which has often been repeated
but is so indicative of his character that it must be included here.
Rhodes's trusted friend, Dr. Leander Starr Jameson, once asked
his leader how long he thought he would be remembered. Without
pause or smile, Rhodes answered, "I give myself four thousand
years."

"It was not a boast," said Jameson. "He would not have said it
at all, if I hadn't asked him, and he stated it as a fact like a fact in
history. It did not seem to have any personal bearing.* 1

His impersonal belief in his own star was in marked contrast to
his personal simplicity and democracy. He never accepted a tide,
although he could have had a peerage. I asked him once why he did
not allow himself to appear on the honors list. 'The only tide I
should like is an honorary degree from Oxford/* he told me. This
honor came to him, unsolicited, not long afterwards.

There was no pretense of democracy in his nature; simplicity was
an integral part of it. I have often seen Him decline invitations to be
present with those prominent in society and in business, preferring
to chat informally with his own simpler comrades.

He could never tolerate circumlocution in any form. Nor did he
have a memory for details; and would quote statistics "in globular
figures." He would form a conception and his trusted subordinates
would carry it out. There is no doubt that at times Rhodes was dic-
tatorial. This was partly due to the great burdens he carried under
the shadow of death, partly to that quality in his nature which re-

230 The Autobiograpliy of Join Hays Hammond

fused to let any barrier, great or small, keep him from his goal. His
resourcef ulriess was a matter of constant amazement to his associates.
Enemies of Rhodes have often declared that he was selfish and
ruthless. This was emphatically not true; fairness and justice were
guiding principles from the observance of which he never inten-
tionally swerved. I heard him say more than once: "Always be sure
to satisfy the other fellow. Any trade that is not satisfactory to him
is not satisfactory to me." And again, "I have never in my life met
anybody with whom it wasn't just as easy to deal as to fight." In
fact, Rhodes fought only when he was driven to it.

Long before American corporations took up welfare work, Rhodes
had built comfortable homes which he rented to his workmen at low
rates. He had erected clubhouses, churches, and recreation grounds
for them. He instructed me to spare no expense in looking after the
health and happiness of all his workers under me, both white and
black. One of his maxims was "The only employee worth having
is a contented employee." This was borne out by my own experience.
Just before Christmas the second year I was with him, I explained to
Rhodes that it was customary for mining companies to give bonuses
to their employees at this season, and that my staff of American engi-
neers deserved something substantial, especially as we had made a
large profit during the past year.

"That is quite right," replied Rhodes. These were his favorite
words of affirmation.

I then handed him a sheet of paper on which I had figured out
the amount each man should receive. Without even glancing at
it, he picked up his pencil and scribbled across the face of it. "We
have had a remarkably successful -two years under Hays Hammond's
management, due, as he says, to the ability, untiring energy, and
self-sacrifice of his American staff. They are entitled to the sums
he recommends."

"But youVe not even looked to see how much I've suggested/ 1 I
protested. "This is going to the board of directors, and you should
at least know how much money is involved."
"You wouldn't recommend it if it weren't all right, would you?"
With this remark he dismissed a matter which amounted to nearly
$250,000 participation in the shares of his companies at cost.

The Empire Builder 231

One of the things that caused me considerable embarrassment at
the time was the arrival of numerous young Englishmen, many of
whom were Eton and Oxford graduates, seeking a billet in South
Africa. Rhodes was under certain obligations to friends in England
for political favors, past and to come. He was importuned by many
of his influential friends who wanted positions for these young men
who came to South Africa. Rhodes would give them letters of in-
troduction to me, requesting -that I do what I could for them.

Few were qualified for any technical position at the mines, and I
could use 'them in no other capacity. I would always give these
young fellows a chance, however. Most of them professed their
willingness to work at any kind of job, but they were invariably un-
suited to the work and after a few days at the mine would return and
admit that there was nothing for them to do. It was a waste of time
and money for them to go to the mines even to look for a job.

The only other hope for these young men, it seemed to me, was in
Rhodesia, so I would give them a letter to Jameson, who was just as
much embarrassed as I was in trying to assist the "bearer." Finally
I complained to Rhodes about this and suggested that the best way
to repay his obligations was to form some kind of polo, golf, or
cricket club at Kimberley, where they could spend their time until
something better turned up. I told him it would cost him only about
fifty thousand dollars a year. I sincerely sympathized with these fine
fellows and felt it my duty to find employment for them in pref-
erence to those of any other nationality since the mines were under
English ownership. But obviously, as I explained to Rhodes, it would
demoralize my staff of engineers, who were specially qualified by
education and training, if I should displace them in favor of incom-
petents. Rhodes accepted this view of the situation and with good-
humor, I believe, although at considerable expense, provided grace-
fully for his young friends.

Much of the affection which, given other conditions, would have
centered elsewhere, was lavished on his home at Groote Schuur (the
big barn). Rhodes purchased it in 1890 from one of the old Dutch
families and rebuilt it in keeping with the Dutch architectural tradi-
tions: two stories, thatched gables, and large many-paned windows.
It was beautifully located in a grove of pine and oak on the slope of

232 Tke Autobiography of Jolm Hays Hammond

Devil's Peak, the outlying shoulder of Table Mountain. Looking
from one of his bedroom windows he could see Table Mountain'
from another he could view Cape Town harbor.

This home was filled with old colonial furniture and the best ex-
amples of domestic handicrafts. Even General Smuts who had
never met him and who long was bitter against him for his part in
the Jameson Raid admitted that Rhodes had helped to conserve
what was precious in South Africa's past, and highly commended
this spirit.

Dear as Groote Schuur was to him,, his friends were dearer still.
There were men such as W. T. Stead, Alfred Beit, and myself. To
us he gave his confidence. There were two men in the course of his
life whom he truly loved: first, Neville Pickering, secretary to the
De Beers Company; and afterwards Dr. Jameson, familiarly known
as Dr. Jim.

Rhodes never entirely recovered from the death of Neville Pick-
ering some years before. Like himself, Pickering was threatened
with tuberculosis. During one of the latter's attacks of illness,
Rhodes had been obliged to go to Johannesburg to conduct important
and delicate negotiations on behalf of the Consolidated Gold Fields.
In the midst of these a telegram came saying Pickering was worse.
He glanced at the message and then exclaimed to Dr. Hans Sauer,
his companion in the transactions: "Get me a seat on tonight's coach!
Quick! I must get back to Pickering. He's dying!"

"But, Rhodes, you can't go now. Everything depends on your
being here."

Rhodes exclaimed impatiently: "What do I care? You know I
have to go* Get me a seat!"

Sauer departed, but returned almost immediately and announced
cheerfully: 'You can't go. All seats are booked."

The choleric temper of Rhodes flared up. "I must go! Buy a seat
from someone who has already booked. Hire a coach ! Buy a coach !
Do something! I'm going!"

And that night he went. For many days he kept his hopeless vigil
at Pickering's bedside, letting his countless business affairs go un-
heeded until there was no further need to watch. Something went
out of his life which, unlike Groote Schuur, could not be restored.

TLe Empire Builder 233

Dr. Jameson, brilliant young surgeon at the Kimberley mines, had
attended Pickering in his last illness. It is possible that Jameson's
habitual air of amused tolerance and cynical indifference dropped
from him in this crisis, and it may have been this less known side
of him that appealed to Rhodes. However it happened, from this
time forward Dr. Jim succeeded Pickering in Rhodes's life; no one
ever replaced him.

The enemies of Rhodes have denounced him as cold-blooded and
heartless and quite willing to sacrifice his best friends should the cause
warrant. Like so many other attacks upon him, this was not true.
For example, when Groote Schuur burned, the news came first to
Lord Grey, then acting administrator of Rhodesia, who had come to
see Rhodes at Bulawayo. He hated the duty -that had devolved upon
him, of adding the tale of another misfortune to those which had
already been heaped upon Rhodes. As they rode along that morn-
ing to visit the site Rhodes had selected for his tomb, they talked over
the misadventures of the past year which had culminated in Jame-
son's surrender. Grey had waited for a suitable opportunity. Now
he told Rhodes he had more bad news for him. At this Rhodes
pulled in his horse and, his face drawn with agony, cried, "Good
God ! Out with it, man ! What's happened ?"

When informed that Groote Schuur had burned, he heaved a sigh
and, as Stead relates, exclaimed: "Oh, thank God! Thank God! I
thought you were going to tell me that Dr. Jim was dead. The house
is burnt down. Well, what does that matter? We can always re-
build the house, but if Dr. Jim had died I should never have got

over it."

Even after the Raid he loved Jameson none the less dearly, though
during their separation at this time Jameson was apprehensive that
Rhodes would hold him responsible and that their old-time friend-
ship might be impaired. Rhodes had commented on the failure,
"Jameson has upset my applecart."

Although Rhodes had but few intimate friends, there were many
to whom he gave freely of his time, energy, and money. There was
one man whom, it was jokingly said, he had picked out of the Milky
Way and elevated to the status of a fixed star of magnitude. Again
and again Rhodes had to refix him financially and politically. Nev-

254 Hie Autotiograpky of JoLn Hays Hammond

erthdess, this man became obsessed with the idea that Rhodes owed
everything to him; that he was the original maker of Rhodes, who
was jealous of him. Finally he assailed Rhodes viciously in a polit-
ical campaign, which resulted in his own inglorious defeat.

A few months later, sitting around a table in a hotel in Kimberley
several of Rhodes's friends were joking about this man's attacks. One
of them said, "Now, Mr. Rhodes, I suppose it is time for you once
again to set this star in the heavens."

With a whimsical smile, he replied: "I suppose so. You know the
poor devil is stony broke again!"

Many anecdotes might be cited as illustrative of this quality of
mercy. For example, Sir Lewis Mitchell tells of an old Rhodesian
pioneer who once sought help from Rhodes. Out of work, out at
elbows, and reduced to a pitiable condition, he was about to state
his case when, to his delight, he was hailed by name. The chief had
recognized him.

Putting his hand on the man's shoulder, Rhodes said, "Not a word;
a good square meal first!" He took him to the kitchen and told him
to get what money he needed from his secretary, adding, "Come back
tomorrow*" When the man returned he found Rhodes in a temper.
"You took only ten shillings." The old fellow had so obviously been
ashamed to ask the secretary for more that Rhodes at once took him
into town in his own carriage went with him to the outfitters
completely clothed him and gave him money to get back to
Rhodesia.

Such a man as Rhodes could not fail to create in the hearts of many
men a devotion so absolute that they not only were willing to risk
their lives for him, but actually did so. Women, however, had little
place in his life. It was not that he hated them: he was not a misogy-
nist, though he might have been regarded as a misogamist. His
excuse for not having married was that he had not the time to give
a wife the attention she was entitled to receive. It may be, as Colley
Cibber says, "Ambition is the only power that combats love." Yet
it was significant that, at the time I visited him, in all the thirty rooms
of Groote Schuur there was only one picture, a painting of a young
woman by Sir Joshua Reynolds. It hung in the dining room above

The Empire Builder 235

the fireplace, where Rhodes could easily see it. He often told how as
a boy he had observed it in the home of a relative, how he had been
won by its beauty, how his love for it had increased with manhood,
how finally he had been able to buy it. The story always ended with
"Now I have my lady, and I am happy."

Rhodes was especially fond of my wife. One evening that I re-
member with particular pleasure we were visiting at Groote Schuur.
During the conversation my wife sustained her argument by a quo-
tation from Marcus Aurelius. He at once took us to his bedroom
and pointed to two books lying on his night table. One was the Bible,
the other Marcus Aurelius. He said he never went to sleep without
reading something from both books. He was surprised and de-
lighted that anybody, especially a woman, should be familiar with
his favorite authority. He went on to mention a quotation which he
was very proud to have written in Queen Victoria's guest book at
Windsor. "Coelum non animwn mutant qui trans marc currant*
(They change the sky, but not the soul, who cross the sea). I told
Rhodes that I should have written "Oderint dum metuant? since
what did it matter that politicians in England and South Africa
hated him so long as they feared him. Rhodes replied, "Your quo-
tation is too much like playing to the gallery/'

Following this discovery of their mutual fondness for Marcus Au-
relius, Rhodes formed a great admiration for my wife's intellect.
And here I wish to quote the following, which my wife had hur-
riedly scribbled with pencil in her notebook, describing Cecil Rhodes:

He has the superb head of a Roman Emperor. He is a
man, and the most impersonal man I have ever known
strong, broad and splendid. He is not fine, nor keen,
nor sensitive. The world is his omelet and the men
the eggs which compose it. I can believe that he would
lap human bodies like sandbags to build his fort, but .
the enemy should have equal vantage. He can crush
and cut, but never pinch. Money is his steed; instinct
his spur, and a generous power his aim. His weak-
nesses are but the outer fringe to his imperial nature.

236 TLe Autotiograpky of John Hays Hammond

And later as she began to know him better, she wrote this about
Rhodes:

No book and scarcely a pamphlet written about South
Africa is without a description of Mr. Rhodes. I can
only give my personal impression and entirely from a
woman's point of view, Mr. Rhodes is a great man.
His brain is great, and as level as Table Mountain.
There are no spiritual pinnacles to his nature, and he
is not lacking in imagination and massive, forceful mag-
netism, in its accepted meaning. He gives one a sense
of confidence in him and in oneself. You feel that he
understands himself and that he understands you. He
lives entirely beyond the pale of everyday life. The
tender, gentle things of human intercourses are not
for his consideration. His life is speeding at too great
an impetus for him to be seen in detail, or to feel in
detail. He is exceedingly generous, and tries to be just
and noble. His affection gives place to his ambition,
which is not a personal ambition. The man is the
most impersonal personality for he is a personality in
spite of being impersonal that I have ever met. His
sympathies are for the human race, and not for the in-
dividuals. In this respect, he is unlike Mr. Beit and
Mr. Barnato. Mr. Rhodes can be as bloodless as fate
when people are not of use to him. They drop out of
his life, as leaves from trees by a n^w growth or the
spring budding. He simply has no place for a disused
member. It is not that he means to forget or ignore
them, but in his busy life, has no place for them. They
are as out of place in his life as a bit of broken machinery
would be in a steam engine.

One of the main reasons why Rhodes never married was as he
said, he felt that a wife and family deserved much more time than
he could ever give them. It is also true that he feared the intrusion
of the fussy type of woman in his life, the type a friend of mine has

The Empire Builder 257

characterized as "hen-brained." His life was not without the in-
fluence and the pleasure of women's companionship, but he refused
to allow any woman to gain sufficient hold on him to complicate
or slow up the pursuit of his dreams. He enjoyed the society of
intelligent women and he had many such friends in his social circle
at the Cape.

Olive Schreiner pursued him before she turned against him and
became one of his bitterest enemies. In her teens she had written that
classic tale of the veldt, The Story of an African Farm. In spite of the
fact that her family were Rhodes's great friends and that she always
insisted she admired him, she later wrote a book called Trooper Peter
Hal%et of Mashonaland, a venomous attack on the actions of Rhodes
in Matabeleland. She told how this monster, Rhodes, had crushed
the noble savage, how the poor natives had been staked to anthills
and otherwise tortured, and how this land-grabber had defeated the
will of God. Rhodes paid no attention; nor did he utter one word
in refutation. She had overplayed her hand. The public for whom
she wrote knew better.

A tragic episode of the last years of his life was the Princess Radzi-
will incident. This middle-aged Polish woman attempted to force
her attentions on him, although he never was more than merely po-
lite to her. Finally, she forged his name for ,29,000. Rhodes was
in England at the time. He was so infuriated that, in spite of warn-
ings from his doctors, he made the long trip to Cape Town to testify,
and on his deathbed gave evidence against her. She was convicted
of forgery and sentenced to a year and a half in prison, but after
several months in Cape Town jail, was released on grounds of ill
health.

Rhodes's voice, like that of Theodore Roosevelt, broke into a fal-
setto whenever he became excited. This was particularly noticeable
when he was talking of his life goal. His voice would climb higher
and higher until at the climactic phrase "my North" it would be an
octave above where he had begun. Contrary to the general impres-
sion, he was not a silent man; he would talk incessantly and in rolling
periods on whatever ideas interested him at the moment In a crisis
he thought quickly, and acted with equal rapidity.
In spite of the fact that he usually acted with complete control, he

238 Xne Automograpny of Joiin Hays Hammond

nevertheless was thoroughly human. On one occasion, when we
were returning from our trip to Rhodesia, the large wagon carrying
our luggage capsized crossing a spruit, I sat on the banks of the
spruit smoking until I became impatient at the futile attempts of the
natives to upright the wagon. I went over and made some sugges-
tions, then returned and sat down by Rhodes. He smiled and said:
"Hammond, the trouble with all you Americans is your desire to
complete everything immediately. You have no patience. It took
me ten years to effect the consolidation of the diamond mines at Kim-
berley. Your countrymen would have attempted to put it through
in as many months, but I doubt whether they would have succeeded
in creating any permanent trust." We sat there a while longer watch-
ing the natives. I knew Rhodes was very anxious to get back to Pre-
toria to have a talk with Kruger, but I simply waited, enjoying his
nervousness as time went on.

He did not know I was aware of this until finally he got up and
went over to undertake the supervision of the matter. I walked over
to the scene with him to let him see that I appreciated the fact that
even the imperturbable Englishmen possessed the same restless spirit
as their American cousins.

In his personal habits Rhodes was inclined to be unconventional.
Surroundings meant nothing to him. At Kimberley he lived under
the most primitive conditions, even when comparatively wealthy;
at Groote Schuur there was every luxury. He recognized no dif-
ference. Nor did he care anything about being well dressed. On
his way to an audience with die sultan of Turkey he stopped to see
the British ambassador, who was shocked to see him attired for his
meeting in a shabby tweed suit. Fearing the consequences of this
breach of sartorial etiquette, the ambassador told Rhodes he must
wear the indispensable frock coat.

"I can't," replied Rhodes, "for I don't possess one.''

With great presence of mind, the ambassador at once put his own
overcoat over the offending garments, buttoned it, and warned
Rhodes not to undo it if he valued his life.

So far as his clothes were concerned, or, in fact as regarded most
of the details of his private life, Heaven knows what would have
become of Rhodes if it had not been for Tony, a Cape boy his cook

Tne Empire Builder 239

when on the veldt, his valet, and his purse bearer. Tony was a most
remarkable man. His position was no sinecure. He was indis-
pensable to Rhodes on his trips to London, for Rhodes rarely arrived
there with the proper clothes in the winters not heavy enough to
keep him warm. Rhodes hated to buy clothes, but Tony would ar-
range to have the tailors waylay him and provide the wardrobe nec-
essary for that visit.

Rhodes had never enjoyed robust health, but this did not really
prove a handicap as it undoubtedly taught him the value of time
and the necessity to conserve his strength for undertakings of prime
importance.

On his wrist there was a small aneurism which by its throbbing
indicated to him that he had reached the danger point of overexer-
tion. His heart had never been equal to his spirit; as he grew older
it fell steadily behind. As his forty-eighth year drew towards its
close it was apparent to him that he had but little time left. He was
not afraid of death; he had never known what it was to fear any
person, much less any thing. He regretted with deep bitterness and
sorrow that he was not to see the completion of what he had dreamed
in far-off Oxford and in the darkness of the veldt.

"The great fault of life is its shortness/* he exclaimed towards the
last "J ust as one is beginning to know the game, one has to stop."

Kipling caught this:

Dreamer devout, by vision led
Beyond our guess or reach,
The travail of his spirit bred
Cities in place of speech.
So huge the all-mastering thought that drove-
So brief the term allowed
Nations, not words, he linked to prove
His f aith before the crowd.

And as Rhodes lay dying in his beloved Africa, his words were:
"So little done, so much to do."

For three days, thousands of warrior Matabele, his former foes
and later allies, congregated to perform over his grave the cere-

240 TLe Autooiograpky of Jolin Hays Hammond

monial of 'Mzlikazi, their chief and founder. They were honoring
the man whom they regarded as their great white chief and friend.
Each day the stately ceremonial continued; each night the sky was
red with fires* Thousands of feet beat the ground in unison. War
drums throbbed dolefully. The warriors' mournful songs ended in
the darkness. Dressed in full war panoply, these chosen representa-
tives of the proudest of the black natives with outthrust spears gave
the bayete, the royal salute to their adopted chieftain. For the first
and last time, such a tribute was paid to a white man in Africa.

CHAPTER FOURTEEN
Tne VVinning of Rkoclesi

esia

DRAFTING THE MINING LAWS OF SOUTHERN
RHODESIA THE KINGDOM OF THE MATABELE

SLAGTER'S NEK THE GREAT TREK THE PLACE

OF SLAUGHTER JAMESON'S BARGAIN WITH

LOBENGULA THE WAY IS OPEN TO MASHONALAND

THE PIONEERS ADVANCE THE UNCLEAN ONES

FORTY WHITES ATTACK TWO THOUSAND NA-
TIVES DESPERATE INVASION OF MATABELELAND
WILSON'S LAST STAND IN THE JUNGLES OF THE
SHANGANI THE SECOND MATABELE WAR .KILL-
ING THE MOUTHPIECE OF GOD **IT IS PEACE'*

.he latitude given me by
Rhodes in Johannesburg
made my work for him far more congenial than had been my pre-
vious association with Barnato. I soon felt that I had gained my
new employer's complete confidence so far as the management of
the Consolidated Gold Fields of South Africa was concerned. In
addition to supervising the mining interests of the Gold Fields, I
spent considerable time in drafting the mining laws for the British
South Africa Company (Chartered) in Rhodesia. The Company
had already adopted the mistaken principle of the American mining
law regarding the right of the owner of an apex of veins to follow
the vein under the property of adjoining owners. As discussed in

241

242 The Autobiography of Jotm Hays Hammond

Chapter XI, I should have much preferred the simpler mining laws
of the Transvaal and Mexico, but it was too late to make the change,
I anticipated much difficulty and litigation from the inclusion of
this provision, but H. U, Moffat, premier of Southern Rhodesia, in
a recent letter assured me that the mining laws have proved suitable
to the local needs and requirements of Rhodesia. As a matter of
fact, with one exception, no disputes of importance have arisen.
The idea of Rhodes in including this extralateral rights provision
had been to attract capital into the country, and to accomplish this
he had been willing to make concessions,

Rhodes's economic interests were never more than a means to the
end of reaching his "North." Yet they were an essential part of his
scheme: in order to make manifest destiny possible, he had to find
mineral wealth.

The ancient mines of Mashonaland had been rediscovered in 1868
and brought to the notice of Europe by the American explorer and
hunter, Adam Renders. A few years later Dr. Karl Mauch made an
even more careful investigation. The reports of these explorers con-
vinced Rhodes of the existence of gold in the North,

Therefore, in the fall of 1894, just after the First Matabele War,
Rhodes and Dr. Jameson, the administrator of the district, and I
went to Matabeleland and Mashonaland on a trip that was to have
important and dramatic consequences. In order that the reader may
have a clear picture of this country later known as Rhodesia I
deem it essential to describe certain characteristics of it and its peo-
ple, the many wars waged by the native tribes, and the ultimate
winning of it by the white man.

Rhodesia embraces an area of 440,000 square miles; exceeding the
combined areas of our New England, Middle Atlantic, and East
North Central states. It includes all of the region extending from
the Transvaal north to the borders of the Congo State and German
East Africa. On the east it is bounded by Portuguese East Africa,
Nyasaland, and German East Africa, and on the west by the Congo
State, Portuguese West Africa, and Bechuanaland.

For the most part the interior of Rhodesia is a high plateau vary-
ing in altitude from 3000 to 5000 feet. It is fairly well watered-
abundantly so in the rainy season, and in much of its topography

LOBENGULA

MATABELE

Tke Winning of RtoJesia 243

and vegetation strongly resembles parts of the western section of
the United States, particularly Wyoming and New Mexico.

Rhodes's problems would have been simpler had Africa been left
free of outside interference, but in the last decade of the nineteenth
century the attention of Europe was suddenly focused upon it. The
necessary annexations of native territory, which in prior decades
had gone on as a matter of course, now became subjects for inter-
national discussion. To understand the whys and wherefores of
the dramatic events related in the subsequent chapters, it is necessary
also to grasp the historical background of the struggle now about to
take place for the great regions north of the Boer republics.

South Africa has been known to the European world since Vasco
da Gama rounded the Cape of Storms in 1497 and found the ocean
route to the Indies. The Portuguese never attempted settlement, al-
though occasionally their ships had to take refuge in Table Bay.
When the Dutch supplanted the Portuguese as the great Eastern
trading power, an outfitting station was set up in Cape Town in 1652.

The Dutch found nobody but roving Hottentots in the vicinity
of the Cape. As the invaders gradually encroached on the Hotten-
tot lands a series of wars began. For nearly a hundred and fifty
years the Dutch pioneers, never numerous, led a pastoral existence
and expanded slowly into the hinterland. In 1795, through no
fault of theirs they found themselves under the British flag, due to
the fact that Holland was France's involuntary ally in Europe and
the British were mopping up enemy territory throughout the world*
During the temporary truce with Napoleon between 1802 and 1804,
Cape Colony was handed back to the Batavian Republic, as Holland
was then termed. War broke out again, and the English recaptured
the Cape in 1806. In 1814 the Dutch definitely ceded Cape Colony
to England, and it remained a British colony until 1910 when it
took its place in the newly formed Union of South Africa.

After 1814 English customs and laws were introduced into a popu-
lation of only 42,000 white settlers, predominandy Dutch. From
1820 on, however, the English began to pour in and their language
qxdckly spread throughout the colony,

In addition to an alien population, the British almost immediately
found themselves faced with a native problem of great magnitude.

244 Tke Autooiograpny of %Jonn Hays Hammond

While in their early years the Dutch had had to face only the Hot-
tentots, the British were now confronted with a major movement of
peoples. The tribes of the great Bantu race were pushing down
from the thickly inhabited regions of the North into the less popu-
lated districts of the South, thrusting before them the weaker peo-
ples. Inevitably the Boer-English and Bantu fronts collided. These
wars continued for many years.

Of all the Bantu tribes the fiercest and most warlike were the
Zulu, the "Children of the Heavens." They fought in regiments,
or impis, a thousand strong. They asked no quarter and gave none.
Sheltered behind their long oval shields of oxhide, instead of hurling
light assegais they used short-handled spears in the Roman thrust-
ing fashion. The other native races melted away before them.
Under their great chief Chaka they reached the zenith of their
power. Fierce, intelligent, ruthless, he proved a superb military
leader. He organized the Zulu for war and, like Attila the Hun, he
annihilated his enemies, slaughtered their men, took their women.
When Chaka entrusted a military undertaking to one of his chief-
tains he demanded not only its successful accomplishment but also
that the entire booty be returned to his kraal.

Second only to him in ferocity was his great induna, 'Mzlikazi,
the "Pathway of Blood." On one occasion, having conquered a
tribe, 'Mzlikazi failed to send the spoils to Chaka, and the latter,
in accordance with his custom, sent an army to exterminate his un-
trustworthy induna. 'Mzlikazi, hearing of the approach of the
main army and knowing that he and his men would be clubbed to
death with knobkerries if captured, led his army to conquer a king-
dom for themselves. He went into the northern part of what is
now the Transvaal, with probably no more than ten thousand war-
riors at the start, leaving a trail of desolation and destruction. Re-
cruiting his numbers from the most warlike of the young men of
the conquered tribes, he formed what was called the Matabele
nation, the "Children of the Stars " Meanwhile Chaka had died
and his equally bloodthirsty successor, Dingaan, ruled over the Zulu
nation. By 1830 their incessant wars had depopulated a vast stretch
of land.
There had always been friction between Boer and Englishman as

Tke Winning of RioJesia 245

to the treatment of the blacks. The former regarded them as slaves;
the latter, under the influence of the humanitarian spirit of Wilber-
f orce, then sweeping England, regarded them as fellow men. This
movement culminated in 1833 ' m ^ abolition of slavery throughout
the British Empire. Thus the agricultural Boers found themselves
at one stroke deprived of what they regarded as their most essen-
tial private property.

About twenty years before, in 1816, there had already been serious
difficulty over the Boer treatment of natives. The outstanding ex-
ample of this was the so-called Rebellion of Slagter's Nek. A Boer
farmer named Frederik Bezuidenhout was accused of maltreating
a native servant. Gathering a band of friends around him in the
pass of the Winterberg Mountains, he resisted arrest and fired on the
government forces. After a short conflict he was killed and the
"rebellion" put down. Six of his comrades were tried for high trea-
son by the British government; five of them were executed on the
scaffold. The Boers, who considered the blacks as their property
to do with as they wished, felt that this was not only a harsh but
also an unjust penalty. It would have been quickly forgotten, how-
ever, had there been no other causes for bitterness between Boer and
Englishman. Instead, it became a rallying cry for every anti-
English demonstration.

The most reactionary of the Boers decided to move beyond the
frontier; with this end in view they set out on the Great Trek. One
party went into what is now Natal although its members well
knew that the Zulu power would have to be conciliated or other-
wise dealt with-
in 1837 a delegation was sent to Dingaan, who received them in
friendly fashion and gave them land. Then, at a farewell feast,
he massacred them at the Hill of Slaughter; and fell on the main
body of immigrants and slew three hundred at Weenen, the 'Tlace
of Weeping."

In vengeance for this slaughter, the Boer leader Pretorius took
out against Dingaan a punitive commando of four hundred white
men and a few natives. Ten impis of Zulu fell upon the Dutch
laager; the river by which this fight took place was called the Blood

246 Xne Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

River, and the victory which the Boers won is still celebrated among
them as Dingaan's Day.

But the Boers were destined to be disappointed in their hope of
setting up a republic in Natal. The English were already at Dur-
ban and had no intention of having a Boer hinterland. After a
brief conflict, the Boers again set off on trek in 1844, an d this time
in the valleys of the Orange, the Vaal, and the Limpopo formed the
Transvaal Republic. This district had been depopulated of the
Bechuana and other native tribes by the Matabele forays.

Meanwhile another branch of the Dutch voortrekkers had come
up against the warriors of 'Mzlikazi. Every spruit was a battle-
ground, because in such arid country life and water were synony-
mous terms, and every kopje, or hillock, which commanded these
small streams was an outpost, costing blood. For two years the
fighting went on. The Matabele, in spite of reckless bravery, were
cut down in hundreds by the Boer rifles. The eventual outcome of
the struggle was the retirement of 'Mzlikazi to the north of the
Limpopo River, where he fell upon the unfortunate Mashona, who
lived in that district, as earlier he had butchered the Bechuana. He
established a capital, a huge kraal, at Bulawayo, the "Place of
Slaughter" and there his son, Lobengula, "he who drives like tihe
wind/' held the throne.

Lobengula was a huge man; in later life he became so enormously
fat and unwieldy that he had to be carried about in an oxcart. Too
sluggish himself to lead his impis, he preferred diplomacy. He
lived in his goat kraal, surrounded by his eighty women. Majesty
was simulated by a band of leather serving for a crown and blue
monkey fur arranged at his waist like a Scotch sporran. Otherwise
ceremony at the end of which the king, stepping into the midst of
champagne from concession seekers. He was not only extremely
fond of it, but was a connoisseur and insisted that the wine be of
superior and expensive vintage.

The Matabele had carefully treasured many of the warlike tra-
ditions of their Zulu forefathers. Among these was the annual
ceremony at the end of which the king, stepping into the midst of
the kraal, lifted his great assegai and hurled it from him. As it
struck, still quivering in the ground, the warriors bounded forward

Tke Winning of Rkodesia 247

to see whither it pointed, for in that direction the impis were to
make relentless war during the ensuing year.

Of course, as time went on, it became harder and harder to find
humans available for slaughter within easy reach of Bulawayo.
The British had assumed the care of the peaceful Bechuana; they
were not to be touched.

The next misfortune for Lobengula was the formation of the
Chartered Company which intended to enter the Mashona country
to the north of the Matabele. There was only one road by which
Rhodes could penetrate Mashona territory. He could not go to the
east because of the Portuguese. He could not go straight north
because of the Boer republics. He had to go around the western
end of the Republics through Bechuanaland and then cross the
country of the Matabele north of the Limpopo into Mashonaland,
there to establish his settlements and to develop the mineral wealth
reputed to exist.

In 1890, in addition to being head of the Chartered Company,
Rhodes had become premier of the Cape. He had, therefore, both
political and economic power. Cape Colony could not develop the
North but the Company could, while Rhodes and his associates
would furnish the money. Rhodes was desperately afraid some
power, Boer or German or Portuguese, would forestall him. He
knew that other concession hunters were with Lobengula; there
were at least eleven. He tried to get Sir Hercules Robinson, high
commissioner of Cape Colony, to do something about Matabeleland,
and by persistent endeavor he had it arranged to send the Reverend
J, S. Moffat to Lobengula. The former secured an agreement that
Lobengula would not alienate any of his lands without the consent
of the high commissioner. This effectually blocked Kruger's
designs.

Rhodes now prepared a mission of his own to obtain what he
wanted from Lobengula. To protect his interests he sent to Bula-
wayo his most trusted partner, C. D. Rudd, his Oxford friend,
Rochfort Maguire, and F. R. Thompson, known as Matabele
Thompson because of his knowledge of the natives. In addition
to a pension of a hundred pounds a month, Lobengula was to have
a steamboat on the Zambesi and one thousand Martini-Henry

248 Tne Autobiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

breech-loading rifles and with them one hundred thousand rounds
of ball cartridges. In return, Lobengula promised that Rhodes's
company should have complete control of all metals and minerals
in his kingdom and full power to collect the revenues; also, Rhodes
could exclude all other concession hunters. This agreement gave no
rights to grant land titles. Rhodes went through the form of ob-
taining this by buying up a previous concession which Lobengula
had granted to one Eduard Lippert in 1891, upon which the Char-
tered Company later issued land patents.

Many people in South Africa were alarmed at the Rudd Con-
cession. They thought in particular that the Martini rifles would
lead inevitably to a breach of the peace. Rhodes in his customary
way quieted discontent, arguing that rifles were more humane than
assegais. He not only had to square the Cape Parliament but the
English Parliament as well, and this, in diplomatically judicious
but effective fashion, he succeeded in doing.

He had to go to England to get the Company's charter con-
firmed. He also knew that one of his rival concessionaires had
taken two of Lobengula's indunas to London to see the Queen,
and he feared the effect of this. Therefore, off to London he went.
He knew Lobengula was not entirely satisfied with his bargain.
Rudd had been forced to conceal the concession in an ant's nest.
Rhodes, who had great confidence in Dr. Jameson, asked him to
go to Bulawayo to keep Lobengula in good-humor. The story of
what occurred is not entirely certain beyond the fact that Loben-
gula's gout, to which he was becoming increasingly subject, was
relieved by Jameson, with subsequent gratitude on the part of the
monarch. Furthermore, Jameson, knowing the savage's childish
delight in pageantry, composed a letter purporting to come from
the great White Queen herself and had it delivered in a gorgeously
decorated coach accompanied by three officers clad in the uniform
of the Royal Horse Guards.

Meanwhile Rhodes had been in England, had seen the Queen

and won her esteem, had seen Salisbury and conciliated him, had

seen his enemies and satisfied their scruples. He returned with the

promised charter.

His next move was to get settlers into Mashonaland He con-

Tke Winning of BJiodesia 249

suited the commander of the Bechuanaland police but could not
come to terms. He then hired Frank Johnston, trader, merchant,
and mining man, for ninety-seven thousand pounds to recruit a
force for the conquest.

The result was the famous Pioneers, two hundred in number,
carefully selected from all trades and classes, partially drilled and
disciplined in military fashion. With them went five hundred
mounted police equipped and paid by the Chartered Company.
Their guide was Frederick Selous, one of the great elephant hunters
of Africa, whose name is still a household word there. Selous died
in the World War, fighting the Germans in German East Africa.
There was also Maurice Giff ord, who was with me on my later Mata-
bele trip. He was a younger soa of an old English family with a
fighting record in every war. To interpret for them went Johann
Colenbrander, half Dutch, half English, frontier-born, whose knowl-
edge of the Matabele tongue and other native dialects was of in-
estimable value. All these were young men, cc inf aans," as the Mata-
bele called them, full of hope and enthusiasm. No river was too
wide nor forest too dense for them to cross or penetrate.

Although Jameson had extracted from Lobengula a half-hearted
promise "to give the road," the Pioneers decided to avoid Bulawayo
so that the impis might not be tempted to make a surprise attack.
Nevertheless, every precaution was taken. Each night when they
outspanned their fifty ox-wagons they formed them in a square
laager, front to end, with Maxims guarding the corners.

Founding Fort Victoria on the way, they finally reached the site
of Salisbury in Mashonaland, September, 1890, and set to work at
Dnce to build the town. They had to contend with many difficul-
ties. The rainy season began; the long road south was impassable
with mud, a railway was started from Beira on the east coast but
had to be abandoned, the police force cost two hundred fifty
ftousand pounds a year, food had to be carted seventeen hundred
tniles from the Cape.

It was a well-planned stroke of genius when Rhodes appointed
Dr. Jameson administrator for the Chartered Company in Mashona-
.and in 1892. It was never openly expressed between these two
Englishmen that favors had been given or received, though the feel-

250 -Ine Autofcaograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

ing of gratitude and esteem was mutual. Although Jameson was
neither soldier nor statesman, yet he was able to accomplish what
was little short of miraculous both in warfare with the natives and
in statecraft. Furthermore, this gambler by nature saved the Char-
tered shareholders from great losses by his economical management
of the Company's affairs. For example, the expensive police were
replaced by the unpaid volunteer Mashonaland Horse. But to the
great distress of Jameson and Rhodes and the stockholders of the
Chartered Company, no profitable gold deposits had been developed
as yet.

Just at this moment, when the stock of the Company was steadily
sinking, the young warriors of the Matabele began the war which
everyone on the frontier had always regarded as inevitable. Jameson
himself thought it would come; Rhodes publicly professed his be-
lief in peace, although he had told people privately that as soon as
the Matabele interfered with his rights he "would end their game."
This was a reluctant confession that the peaceful amalgamation
which both had been aiming at was in reality a forlorn hope.

Lobengula undoubtedly had had no intention when he granted
the Rudd Concession of giving up his feudal rights over the Mashona,
the Zulu term for "Unclean Ones." Among these rights was that
of pasturing his cattle on the Mashona farms. In May, 1893, a few
Mashona at Victoria stole some lengths of wire from die telegraph
line Rhodes had built to the Cape. They were detected by the
English and a fine of cattle imposed on them. This they paid with
Lobengula's cattle. Lobengula thereupon sent an impi under Man-
yao to punish the Mashona. These young .warriors remained about
Victoria for a week murdering and burning and plundering the
Mashona, although little was done to the whites beyond making
threats.

Jameson, who was at Salisbury, the capital of Mashonaland, one
hundred miles away, hastened to Victoria. He summoned the native
leaders to an immediate indaba. He absolutely refused to give up
any Mashona. He delivered an ultimatum to Manyao telling him
to be beyond the border within an hour. Although an appeal for
help had been sent to all the Mashonaland Horse, only about forty
had assembled when Jameson gave the order to attack the Matabele

The Winning of Rkodesia 251

who, instead of carrying out his orders, had made camp a short dis-
tance away.

What the Matabele thought when the little line deployed before
their hundreds can only be conjectured. Jameson said Matabele
fired on him first, though the evidence on this point is conflicting.
Some thirty-seven natives fell in this sortie; no attack was made on
the whites. -

Jameson at once telegraphed the news to Rhodes. He urged send-
ing a punitive force of a thousand men against the Matabele imme-
diately. The war spirit of the settlers was high. Furthermore,
everyone realized that Lobengula would not be able to hold his
fighters in check. Rhodes paid out of his own pocket the cost of
the equipment of the expedition which nearly every white in
Mashonaland joined.

The very boldness and swiftness of the contemplated invasion
offered the only chance in its favor. The grim determination of the
white man, when stripped of the veneer of civilization, is more re-
lentless, more persistent, and more terrible than the ferocity of the
most formidable black warrior who ever trod the African conti-
nent. Apart from this consideration, it seemed from a military
point of view a hopeless venture. What chance would a handful
of settlers have against the impis of well-armed Matabele?

The fact that this raid was successful and that Jameson's later
raid of 1895 was unsuccessful does not detract from an inevitable
comparison. Here, as in the later raid, Jameson betrayed a lack
of judgment. In this instance, however, Fortune smiled upon him.
None the less, he had tempted Fate. The defeat of the advance
guard would have meant the massacre of every white man, woman,
and child north of the Limpopo River.

The total effective force, about a thousand all told, white and native,
advanced into Matabeleland in two columns which united at Iron
Mine Hill, so called because prehistoric workers in Rhodesia had
dug there for iron ore. Then they crossed the frontier of Matabele-
land and marched on Bulawayo.

The little army's method of defense was adopted from old-time
Boer tactics. Twenty-two commissary wagons, each drawn by six-
teen oxen, were driven in double column, protected on all sides by

252 Xke Autooiograpny of John Hays Hammond

mounted men and artillery. Within three minutes of the time an
alarm was sounded it was possible to form the wagons into a laager
and place a piece of artillery at each angle. It was decided that
the horsemen, if defeated, should retreat within the square, and that
the final stand to oppose the onrush of the Matabele should be made
with the wagons as a barricade.

By continuous fighting and marching the punitive column came
close to Bulawayo. Lobengula then set fire to his huge kraal of
twenty thousand native huts, loaded his treasure on seven wagons
drove fifty thousand catde over his trail to obliterate it, and fled
north to the impenetrable jungles of the Shangani River. Dr. Jame-
son, who was directing the expedition in a nomnilitary capacity
sent a letter to the Matabele monarch promising him safe-conduct
if he would return for an indaba. Lobengula replied that he would
come back but, when a few days had elapsed without his arrival
at the English camp, Colonel Patrick Forbes, military commander
of the column, called for volunteers to trace and, if necessary, cap-
ture Lobengula. One hundred and sixty went to the Shangani, but
only thirty-seven were selected to follow Major Alan Wilson pn the
dash across the river after the king.

The Wilson Patrol proceeded about four miles and then made
another camp. It was noticed that the Matabele were showing
themselves in ever-increasing number. Wilson could still have re-
traced his path, but he was awaiting word from Colonel Forbes
who was to send him reinforcements. The forces of the Matabele,
augmenting hourly, finally made an attack at daybreak. After
hours of fighting Wilson realized that his situation was desperate;
there was still no sign of Forbes. He then called upon his most
able scout, Frederick Russell Burnham, to perform the almost im-
possible task of breaking through the ring of savages to reach
Forbes.

Burnham selected Ingram, an American, and Gooding, an Aus-
tralian, to accompany him. Using every precaution which the dan-
ger prescribed and every art he had learned from years of Indian
fighting in the American West and scouting in South Africa, Burn-
ham succeeded in leading his companions through the encircling
impis and by a miracle reached the banks of the Shangani River.

Tke Winning of RLodesia 253

The drift, or ford, over the river by which they had crossed shortly
before had vanished. A red muddy torrent confronted them. The
scouts had been sixteen hours in the saddle and the horses were
nearly exhausted, yet they succeeded in crossing and reaching
Forbes. As Burnham swung himself from the saddle, he said
heavily, "We are all that are left."

When Rhodes and I visited this part of the country the following
year, we learned from natives who had been engaged in the Wil-
son massacre that it had cost Lobengula eighty men of the blood
royal and five hundred warriors to kill Wilson and his thirty-four
men. It was said that Wilson was among the last to fall, and that
the wounded men loaded their rifles and passed them to him dur-
ing the final stages of the defense. But when both his arms were
broken and he could no longer shoot, he stepped from behind the
barricade of dead horses and walked toward the Matabele, who
were firing. Then it was that a young warrior advanced toward
him and stabbed him with a spear. In spite of his mortal wound,
Wilson still continued to approach. In fear, the warrior shouted,
"This man is bewitched; he cannot be killed/' and threw away his
spear just as Wilson pitched forward on his face, dead.

We were also told by the natives that in a lull of the firing, the
heroic Englishmen sang a song that the natives often heard them
sing in the church at Victoria. It was the National Anthem, God
Save the Queen. The natives were appalled when they found that
the men they had massacred were infaans. They clapped their
hands to their mouths and exclaimed, "If infaans can fight like this,
what will we do when the bearded men come to avenge them?"
Later, the bones of the Wilson Patrol were gathered up, and now
rest beside the grave of their great chief, Rhodes, in the Matoppo
Hills.

Wilson's Last Stand was produced on the stage, as a patriotic
play, and ran in London for two years to crowded houses.

One thing that helped to save the settlers was that Lobengula's
warriors had got the idea that their newly acquired rifles must be
more effective than their native spears; and most of them persisted
in using their guns in the fighting that followed, firing wildly in-

254 The Autobiography of Join Hays Hammond

stead of making their charges with the stabbing weapons they could
handle so dexterously.

Also they imagined that by raising the sight of the rifle to the
highest elevation they could make it shoot straighter and harder.
Had they thrown away their rifles and rushed the white men while
on the march, or caught them at night when the skill of the white
marksmen would have availed them little, they could have anni-
hilated the column.

Lobengula was not captured. He had no part in the Matabele
surrender,, and died of smallpox in the jungles of the Shangani a
few months later. All the head chiefs under command of Manyao
marched to Bulawayo and surrendered. On Christmas Day, 1803
peace was made with the Matabele, and the whole of Matabeleland
and Mashonaland was thrown open to settlement.

In January, 1895, Rhodes was at the height of his power and popu-
larity. He had been made a member of the Privy Council and was
further rewarded by the renaming of Matabeleland and Mashona-
land as "Rhodesia." On many occasions Rhodes expressed his
gratification that the country had been named for him and declared
that he would devote the rest of his life to earning the honor be-
stowed upon him. As he had rescued this large territory from
savagery practically single-handed, he undoubtedly was entitled to
the tribute. For a much lighter consideration, a certain Italian
peddler of pickles was honored one Amerigo Vespucci, who ac-
companied an expedition to Venezuela, wrote a book about that
country, and without having visited any other portion of the two
great continents, had his name given to North and South America.

The result of the war was to turn over to the Chartered Company
all the lands Lobengula had claimed as his own. Dr. Jameson was
to be administrator of the conquered territory, as well as of
Mashonaland. Two land reserves were set up for the natives, but
outside of this comparatively limited space, all lands could be
granted by the Company as it pleased. The stock of the Chartered
Company went booming and within a few months the old goat
kraal of Lobengula became the town of Bulawayo, the capital of
Southern Rhodesia.
Although life was always much simpler at Bulawayo than at Cape

The Winning of RLoJesia 255

Town or even Johannesburg, the inevitable dinners and amateur
theatricals typical of all English settlements were soon being given
where but a short time before the Matabele impis had drilled.
Social ethics were not exceptionally strict; "slightly married" couples
mingled freely with those more legally bound together. Jn fact,
almost anyone, however tainted socially in the Old World, could find
recognition on the frontier of South Africa.

For three years the peace continued, but the Matabele were by no
means ready to admit that they had been definitely conquered.
Furthermore, there were undoubtedly native grievances against
the whites. This dissatisfaction was kept alive by the witch doctors
who, after Lobengula's death, were in control These priests
preached to the natives that Lobengula's defeat was due to his
failure to follow their counsels and "make medicine" as his father
'Mzlikazi had done.

After the Jameson Raid, when the Matabele learned that Dr.
Jameson was a prisoner in the hands of the Boers and that "his
medicine had gone weak" and his troops had been captured, they
realized that their opportunity had come. They began to plan an
uprising.

The Second Matabele War owed its inspiration chiefly to the head
high priest, who was called the 'Mlimo and claimed to be the
"mouthpiece of God." He declared that he would make the native
warriors invulnerable to the white men's bullets, and gave orders
that on a certain night they should attack simultaneously over the
whole of Rhodesia. Part of the plan was that on the designated
night, when the moon would be full, every native servant should
kill his master, and that no woman or child should be spared in
the general massacre to follow.

One day a native woman was seen entering the town of Btrlawayo
pretending that she was carrying a load of firewood. The guard
stopped her and questioned her. It seemed to him that her load
was unreasonably heavy. On examination it was found to contain
a number of assegais, with which every servant in the town was to
be armed.

Now, no white community can be safely trusted with a military
secret, but untutored black savages will keep one in a silence as of

256 The Autoraograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

the grave. It is likely that the 'Mlimo's program, involving the
murder of every white person in Rhodesia, undoubtedly would have
matured had it not been for the impatience of a group of young
native warriors on the Inhembesi River, forty-five miles from Bula-
wayo. They began killing the colonists three days before the time
agreed upon.

Thus suddenly awakened to the peril, the whites at Bulawayo at
once organized military units and called in assistance from the
countryside. Nevertheless, many were massacred, and for a while
the situation was desperate. Bulawayo was so closely besieged that
its defenders had actually planned the killing of their own women
and children when the first relief column reached them.

At this juncture there arrived in Bulawayo a young man named
Armstrong, commissioner for a neighboring district, who had an
important communication to make. It related to a Matabele youth,
who had suggested to him a means whereby the 'Mlimo, who di-
rected all the operations of the foe, might be killed. All of his own
family had been killed by the 'Mlimo, and he thirsted for revenge.
Furthermore, he had a shrewd notion that the whites would win
the war in the end, their "medicine" being probably more powerful.
The Matabele youth explained that the 'Mlimo dwelt in a cave in
a certain place in the Matoppo Hills, where it might be possible to
take him by surprise and slay him.

Of course, the story might be a trap; there was no telling. But
desperate emergencies demand the taking of desperate risks, and
the upshot of the matter was that the duty of stalking the 'Mlimo
and catching him in his mountain lair was assigned to Frederick
R. Burnham and young Armstrong. The latter, though a mere
boy, was keen-witted and fearless as his leader. Major Burnham
tells the story fully and interestingly in his book, Scouting on Two
Continents.

The two men started for the mountains and found their way at
length to the neighborhood of the cave, which, it appears, was not
the 'Mlimo's habitation but, so to speak, his church. It was a sacred
place, which none but he dared enter. When he spoke in a loud
voice at the cave's mouth, an echo was heard, and this was supposed
to be the utterance of the Great Spirit, He translated that utterance

Tke Winning of Rkodesia 257

as he chose, and the true believers bowed in recognition of super-
natural power.

Not far from the cave was a village of about a hundred straw-
thatched native huts. And when Burnham and Armstrong ar-
rived on the scene there was a whole impi of warriors assembled
out in front. They were there to be rendered immune to injury
by white men's bullets, a feature of the ceremonial being the skin-
ning of a live ox and the eating of it raw.

Notwithstanding the difficulty of eluding observation, Burnham
and Armstrong succeeded in getting into the cave undetected. For
a considerable distance they had crawled on their bellies, screening
their slow and cautious movements with branches of mimosa held
before them. Their horses had been tethered in a thicket.

Once inside the cave, they had only to wait until the 'Mlimo
should enter; and after a while he came. He was a man about sixty
years of age, very black, sharp-featured, and with a cruel, crafty cast
of countenance.

"This is your job," whispered Burnham to his companion.

"No," replied Armstrong, "you do it."

Burnham, who already had the 'Mlimo covered with his rifle,
said to him, "You claim to be immune to the white man's bullets
stop this one," and fired. He shot him through the body, just be-
low the heart. The "mouthpiece of God" fell dead.

There was not a moment to be lost. Burnham and Armstrong
leaped over the body and down the trail in the direction of their
horses* Immediately, of course, there was tremendous excitement.
Hundreds of natives encamped near by picked up their guns which
were scattered on the ground and started in pursuit of the fugi-
tives. In order to distract them, Burnham and Armstrong paused
in their flight long enough to set fire to the village. Burnham's
first match ignited slowly, flickered, and went out The second
gave a quick flame, and the straw thatch began to burn. It was all
that was necessary; the fire spread, and the Matabele stopped to
put it out.

Burnham and Armstrong soon reached their horses and made
their escape. When they felt that they were safe, they looked back

258 Tne Autotiograpny of Join Hays Hammond

and saw a great cloud of black smoke rolling over the granite hill
above the cave.

Although the killing of the 'Mlimo destroyed the myth that cen-
tered about him and brought despair to the hearts of the Matabele,
most of whom surrendered, there was still a small group of irrec-
oncilables led by a chief named Babyaan. From his lair in the
Matoppo Hills he carried on constant guerilla warfare against
near-by Bulawayo. The situation was still dangerous when Rhodes
stepped in.

Nothing better illustrates the character of Rhodes than this oft-
told story of how he ended the Second Matabele War. It is fortu-
nate that he was in Rhodesia at this time. Through the failure of
the Jameson Raid, Rhodes was stripped of his great political power.
No help could be expected from England; she had enough inter-
national complications to straighten out at the moment. On the one
hand, Rhodes's great fortune was not sufficient to support a war
indefinitely prolonged; on the other, so long as the blacks remained
unconquered no settlers would come to Rhodesia.

Rhodes proposed to go alone and unarmed into the Matoppo
Hills, there to meet the indunas of the Matabele and endeavor to
pacify them. He knew that the warriors desired his life beyond
that of any other white man. All his friends and companions urged
him not to go, adding entreaty to entreaty in a cumulative effort to
prevent what they regarded as a useless sacrifice. Rhodes resolutely
refused to listen to them* Instead, he summoned Johann Colen-
brander and asked him to get in touch with one of the late 'Mzli-
kazfs wives and through her to make arrangements for an indaba
with the Matabele indunas.

It was through the offices of this old Kaffir woman that the con-
ference between Rhodes and the indunas was finally effected. Sarah
Gertrude Millin, in her book Rhodes, says: "This is the old woman
with the bunched-together face, and the rheumy slits of eyes, and
the arms like sapless branches and the hands like dead twigs and
the empty sacks of breasts, whose portrait hangs in Rhodes's bed-
roomthe only portrait of a woman in Rhodes's house today, the
only one he ever did have except a painting by Reynolds he had
coveted in his youth and bought out of his wealth."

VOORTREKKERS

OXCARTS CROSSING A STREAM

TLe "Winning of RLotlesia 259

It took a long time before the wary Matabele would agree to a
meeting. They suspected treachery. Finally consent was obtained
and Rhodes selected three men to accompany him. Colenbrander,
of course, had to go as interpreter. Dr. Hans Sauer, who had been
associated with Rhodes more or less closely since Kimberley days
and who was a Reform prisoner after the Jameson Raid, insisted on
being of the party. Vere Stent, the representative of a Cape Town
newspaper, insisted on going because he was sure his youth would
protect him and he thought the world ought to have an accurate
account of how the others died.

On the appointed day Rhodes and his companions went up into
the Matoppos. They found the indunas in a vlei; Babyaan was
seated on a rock, the others were standing. I have heard Rhodes
tell the story of how he looked Babyaan sternly in the eye and
ordered: "Get up!"

Babyaan rose sullenly, and Rhodes took his seat. Then a crowd
of impetuous young warriors came thrusting forward, brandishing
their assegais menacingly and shouting: "Stab! Stab! Let him roast
like a pheasant on the fire."

Without a sign of perturbation, Rhodes spoke quietly to Babyaan.
"Tell your men to sit down." The older and calmer indunas once
more brought the crowd to silence.

Rhodes's action was a remarkable illustration of the force of a
dominating personality. The instant he took the seat from the
chief, Babyaan was on the defensive and his attitude was that of an
accused criminal before a judge.

When all was quiet RJiodes spoke, Colenbrander interpreting
rapidly. **You have killed my white people. Why have you done
this?" was his first question. The long indaba went on while the
issue hung in the balance. A single misstep on the part of Rhodes
and his life would have answered for it. But Rhodes listened en-
couragingly as induna after induna came forward to pour out his
wrongs.

He was no longer the arrogant empire builder; he was the father
listening to his children with infinite patience. But at last he de-
manded of the chiefs: "Now, for the future, is it peace? Or is it

260 Tne Autornograpliy of Jolm Hays Hammond

war ?" And the indunas, each laying a small stick at his feet in sign
of surrender, declared "It is peace."

No one believed that Rhodes would come back alive out of the
Matoppos. He was greeted as one returned from the dead. He
told his friends that not only had he made peace but that many
indunas were coming to Bulawayo for a great series of indabas to
arrange matters definitely for the future.

At these meetings Colenbrander again interpreted. On the last
day of the conferences Rhodes spoke in praise of Colenbrander
giving him credit for the peaceful understanding that had so fortu-
nately been reached. Then Samabulane, an old induna, rose and
spoke in the pure liquid Zulu.

'We the Matabele all know the great Johann. We knew him as
a promising youth. We remember his daring deeds as a young man.
We know he was the voice of great men sent to our King Loben-
gula. But as compared to the Great White Chief whose words I
am now answering, the Great Johann is only the tick bird that
picks the ticks off the rhinoceros."

So it was that Rhodes came to be called Lamula 'Mkunzi "he
who separates fighting bulls."

CHAPTER POTEEN

Trekking Tkrougk M.atatelelanci

WITH RHODES INTO THE HINTERLAND THE
YANKEE SPIDER VERSUS THE CAPE CART MY
FIRST MEETING WITH DR. JAMESON BLUE BEADS
AT A DISCOUNT SPEAKING OF LIONS VARIED
DISCUSSIONS ASCERTAINING THE MINERAL WEALTH
OF RHODESIA BURNHAM's WELL SHOWS THE WAY
TO THE GREAT COPPER DEPOSITS PREHISTORIC
MINES OF EAST AFRICA I ADVISE RHODES TO REOPEN
THE ANCIENT WORKINGS A TENABLE THEORY THE
GOLD OF OPHIR KING SOLOMON AND HIRAM OF TYRE
FORM THE FIRST MINING CORPORATION RIDER HAG-
GARD HAS A WORD TO SAY "ROUND THE CAMP-FIRE"

(n 1891 Lord Randolph Churchill
_._ - was in Mashonaland collecting

material for a series of articles on South Africa for the London Daily
Mail. One of these articles dealt with mines. Since the most im-
portant feature of the new country was the possible occurrence o
gold in profitable quantities, he had employed two American min-
ing experts to examine and report on the abandoned workings.
These experts had without qualification condemned the entire coun-
try on the theory that the veins, or reefs, were only gash-veins with-
out persistence in depth. Churchill accepted this evaluation as final,
and published it not only in his articles, but also in the resulting

261

262 Tne -Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammoad

book. Men, Mines, and Animals in South Africa, which was pre-
sented to the public the following year. Coming from a man of
Churchill's standing, the report that the country held out no in-
ducement to mining investors was a serious blow to Rhodes's
aspirations.

Rhodes, however, was never a man lightly to abandon his cherished
plans. In spite of this adverse report he still believed that the coun-
try possessed a potential gold-mining field. In 1894, therefore, he
asked me to conduct a personal investigation to determine whether
the veins on these abandoned workings had really pinched out, or
whether the American experts had been mistaken, Rhodes also
suggested to me that the country might contain other minerals
which could be exploited profitably.

I had now been long enough on the Rand to be satisfied that the
Rhodes properties could get along without my supervision for a
few months. Accordingly, it was arranged that during August and
September of this year Rhodes and I should make a trip through
Mashonaland > Matabeleland, and Manicaland in company with Dr.
Jameson, Sir John Willoughby, Maurice Giff ord, Robert Williams,
and Jefferson Clark. I took with me also two of my assistants from
Johannesburg, J. A. Chalmers and Dr. F. H. Hatch.

I had hired a private stagecoach to transport my engineers and
myself five hundred miles from Pretoria to Bulawayo, where Rhodes
and Jameson were to meet us. Loaded to the gunwales as we were,
we were frequently compelled to leap out when the stage threatened
to capsize on the rough trail. In fact, sometimes it actually did cap-
size without warning, although fortunately no one of us was in-
jured in these accidents.

There had to be numerous readjustments of luggage, following
the frequent capsizings of the stage. Whenever we stopped an irre-
pressible suitcase marked "W. K." kept appearing. I ordered it
chucked out several times, but it was always there, at the next re-
arrangement of luggage. Finally I said: "I wonder who W. K. is.
There's no one with those initials here." Chalmers, one of the most
faithful, reticent, and efficient of my staff, replied that the suitcase
was his.

I said, "But those are not your initials "

Trekking Tkrougk MatatelelanJ 263

"No," he admitted. "I borrowed the suitcase."
"Didn't you notice; 5 1 replied, "that we've been chucking it out?"
"Yes, I know," he smiled, "I've managed to retrieve it each time."
The laugh was on me and the rest of our party who, in spite of
my orders to travel light, had indulged ourselves as to the amount
of baggage we carried. Chalmers, being a conscientious and thrifty
Scotchman, was the only one of tie party who had literally obeyed
my injunction.

From Bulawayo on, Rhodes and the other members of the party
traveled in a Cape cart, a high top-heavy, two-wheeled vehicle, un-
comfortable and predisposed to tip on the slightest provocation.
Jeff Clark and I, being Americans, were given a "Yankee spider,"
as the English contemptuously called our vehicle. It was a light
buggy, which seemed to Rhodes altogether too frail for such a
rough trip as we were making. More than once I invited him to
ride with me, but he always declined. After several days, however,
I induced him to try this new method of locomotion; he was soon
convinced that the buggy was not only much more comfortable,
but was safer than the Cape cart. After this trip, many of the Yan-
kee spiders made by the Studebaker Company of America were
introduced into Rhodesia.

At Bulawayo I met for the first time the famous Dr. Leander
Starr Jameson, whom I had not seen before as he had been busy
with his duties as administrator of what was coming to be known
as Rhodesia. Jameson was small of stature, slightly built. His
brown eyes, alert and brilliant, were set far apart. His personality
was forceful with a magnetism which led his men to follow hi'm
in whatever enterprise he might recommend, however desperate.

Jameson had abandoned the safe and sure position of a resident
medical officer in a London hospital to seek his fortune in Africa,
As a brilliant physician and surgeon in the De Beers Company hos-
pital at Kimberley he was credited with saving the lives of many
who were later to be his enemies.

Jameson's presence in Africa at this time was the result of pure
chance. The Kimberley position he came to fill had previously been,
offered to Dr. Henry A. Wolff, an American graduate of the Har-
vard Medical School Dr, Wolff arrived in Kimberley only to find

264 Xne -Autofciograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

that his letter of acceptance had never been received, and Dr. Jame-
son already on duty.

This episode shows how momentous issues often hang on triviali-
ties. Had Wolff's letter reached its destination, Dr. Jameson would
not have gone to Africa and the Conquest of Rhodesia would prob-
ably have been postponed, since there was no one with ability com-
parable to that of Jameson to whom Rhodes could have entrusted
that difficult enterprise.

Jameson was a most engaging companion; there was in him a
spirit of daring, and a willingness to risk all on the throw of the die,
that at times was regarded by less adventurous souls as foolhardy.
As administrator of the Chartered Company in Mashonaland he
had held in his hand the scales of peace and war and had done an
excellent job.

His health, like that of Rhodes, was far from robust. Both men
labored always under the strain of fighting against time. No sooner
was one problem out of the way than two new ones presented them-
selves. The solution of every one required immediate decision and
positive action. Jameson loved the excitement of this adventurous
existence. He cajoled the Matabele chiefs when he could; when he
could not, he fought and conquered them.

Hour after hour and evening after evening he would listen to
Rhodes talking about his "North," would smile at him tolerantly
and doubtfully. Yet, in spite of the fact that he considered these
ideas as "dreams," when called on he would go out and risk his life
to realize them for Rhodes.

They were an extraordinary pair: both had the pioneer instinct.
As I have said before, one of the traits I admired especially in
Rhodes was his high regard for the pioneer. At many a Chartered
Company meeting, I have seen him pace the floor, advocating ve-
hemently that preference in mining concessions be given to the
pioneer instead of to influential syndicates.

He would say: "I don't like to turn capital down; we need it for
the development of South Africa. But the old pioneer who has been
up in the country for years, who has endured every kind of hard-
ship and carried on alone so long, represents a spirit even more im-

Trekking Tkrougk Matateleland 265

portant to the future of the country than money. I'm in favor of
letting him have the concession."

Among these Rhodesian pioneers was an aged Boer hunter named
Piet, whom Rhodes had known in the early Kimberley days. Rhodes,
Dr. Hans Sauer, and I once made a side trip on horseback especially
to see the old fellow. Rhodes characteristically insisted on riding
for hours through a blinding storm of locusts to reach the goal he
had determined on.

The old hunter, living in a little two-room hut with his wife and
three children, was amazed and delighted to see his patron. As
there were no chairs available, Rhodes sat down on the bed and
they chatted for some time. The family was obviously in consider-
able want. With his usual generosity, Rhodes wished to relieve
their necessity. When they refused his offer of money, he had a happy
inspiration: he said he needed some wild animals with which to
start a menagerie at Groote Schuur, and finally persuaded Piet to
accept the money as advance payment for whatever animals he
might capture. Rhodes did actually form a menagerie, and his
first specimen was a lion sent by this Boer hunter.

As we were about to leave, Piet pointed to a ragged, none-too-
clean, little urchin and said: "Mr. Rhodes, my boy here is your
namesake. I've taken the liberty of calling him after you.'* The
little boy, pushed by his father, came forward to shake hands.
Rhodes was as embarrassed as the boy and slipped a five-pound note
into the little fellow's hand. I whispered to Rhodes that he should
take the child on his lap and kiss him. He picked him up gin-
gerly, as one unaccustomed to showing affection, held him for a
moment, and then rose to go. Once outside, I glanced slyly at
Rhodes; "YouVe performed a noble deed today!'* I remarked face-
tiously. His dignified silence indicated that he did not think this
funny.

I have often noticed that men who are possessed by their ideas
do not as a rule have a sense of humor. It was certainly so with
Rhodes. Whenever he was obliged to listen to humorous stories,
he would do so politely, but always seemed relieved when the ordeal
was over.
On this trip we carried with us a large number of blue beads

266 Tne Autooiograpliy of Jolm Hays Hammond

with which to trade with the natives. However, we found that
some "damned Yankee" had been ahead of us and had created such
a craze for pink beads that our blue ones were accepted only at a
considerable discount. The natives were evidently not so far ad-
vanced in currency stabilization as we who boast of a "superior"
civilization.

Every evening after supper we sat about our campfire and dis-
cussed trivialities as well as world affairs. Lions roared close at
hand, and against this menace we kept up a wall of flame, and even
occasionally fired off our guns. The conversation naturally re-
turned again and again to lions. Almost every one of the party had
personal experiences to relate. One anecdote, that I have often told,
I consider better than any told around the campfire.

I once had with me on a trip to Rhodesia a valet named Joseph,
fresh from London. At Bulawayo I told my man I should have to
leave him there because if I took him farther into the hinterland
he would be an encumbrance rather than a help. I said that I
should be back on the evening of the fifth day and instructed Mm to
have my bath ready and my dinner clothes laid out, as I was dining
at Government House that evening. At the appointed time I re-
turned, and while changing, conversationally asked Joseph what he
had been doing during my absence. He informed me that he had
been lion hunting.

"The devil you have," I said. "Where did you go?"

"About fifteen miles south of Bulawayo," he answered.

This was a place really infested with lions and Joseph had never
been beyond the sound of Bow Bells.

I asked who had gone with him, and was told that a friend of
his, who was valet to one of the officers stationed there, had accom-
panied him.

"Had your friend ever been lion hunting before?" He had not.

Needless to say, I became extremely interested. "Joseph, you cer-
tainly went to the right place. I've been there and it's good lion
country. What kind of gun did you use?"

Joseph seemed hesitant but replied honestly, "I didn't think you'd
mind, sir," pointing to a shotgun in the corner of the room, "so I
took your gun."

Trekking TlirougL MataLeleland 267

"How many lions did you get, Joseph?" I asked immediately.
"We had pretty hard luck, sir. We didn't kill any. We didn't
even see a lion."

"Well," I said, "that was hard luck. You didn't even see one?"
"No," replied Joseph.

"What kind of shot were you going to use?"
He showed me some number six bird shot. I could hardly be-
lieve my eyes.

"Joseph," I asked, "how'd you ever expect to kill a lion with bird
shot?"

"Oh," he replied innocently, ' Ve thought we'd blind the lion with
the first barrel, and kill him with the second one."

I decided that Joseph's luck had not deserted him.

Another lion story with an equally happy ending was told me by
Major Burnham's brother-in-law, John Blick, who gained fame as
an African mining prospector and hunter, and became even more
renowned later for his paleontological discoveries in the western
part of the United States.

Blick was out hunting one day near Bulawayo. He was on horse-
back and his two dogs were running beside him. Abruptly, as he
rode over the brow of a kopje, he found himself confronted by a
lioness. She advanced slowly towards him. There was no possi-
bility of retreating, and Blick shot her.

As he rode on, he heard his dogs making a frightful clamor on
the hillside above the trail. They came rolling down, struggling
with what looked like two balls of yellow flufi, which he* recog-
nized finally as two young lion cubs. In this scuffle they were about
evenly matched with his small hunting dogs. With their mother
dead, he knew they would starve if he left them. He also knew
that their father could not be far away and he was not anxious to
meet him. Hurriedly dismounting, he managed to separate the
cubs from the dogs; he carried them back to his camp, holding them
over his saddle horn.

Slick's cabin was an isolated and lonely place. He fed the cubs
assiduously, at first from a baby's bottle. He housebroke them and
trained them to his rough, celibate domesticity. As the days passed,
the lions became his constant companions and they were invaluable

268 The Autobiography of John Hays Hammond

in. frightening off hostile natives. The male cub, of which he was
particularly fond, he named "Lobengula" "Loben" for short.

They accepted Blick as their close friend and for the most part
they were as tame as lap dogs. Occasionally when reading by his fire
in the evening, he would be startled to see one of them leap clear over
his lamp, the entire length of the room, to play with the other.
Once when Loben bridged the hunter's knees as he sat in his chair
the man was surprised to see that all four of the lion's paws were on
the ground, that the beast stood well over three feet. But Blick
kept up his end of the adjustment and the trust continued a mutual

one.

Blick began to develop what he thought was rheumatism, and
couldn't discover what was giving him such dreadful cramps in the
legs. One night he woke to find Loben occupying the entire lower
part of his bed, while he had been maneuvered to the head and was
lying with his knees drawn up to his chin. He got up and angrily
commanded Loben to get off his bed and to lie on the floor. Re-
luctantly the huge lion obeyed and Blick went back to sleep; but
when he woke on the morning, Loben was once more curled on
the bottom half of his bed. The gigantic pet had crawled up so
quietly and gently that his master hadn't even stirred in his sleep.

One year several friends sent word to Blick that they were trek-
king up to spend the Christmas holidays with him. Since the party
included two ladies, Blick realized he would have to remove his
lions from the house. Accordingly he staked them down in the
yard and for several weeks before his guests' arrival accustomed them
to this new and circumscribed way of life.

His friends were eager to see the domesticated lions. After their
initial fright, the women were enchanted. Loben allowed one of
them to stroke his great black mane. He and his sister were be-
having very nicely and the show was a considerable success. Sud-
denly one of the ladies deliberately opened a parasol in Loben's
face. So quickly came the lion's retaliation that the movements ap-
peared simultaneous. He struck out with one of his powerful paws
and it was only the sheerest of good fortune that the woman was
not disemboweled. She stood rooted to the spot, shrieking, com-

Trekking Tkrougk Matateleland 263

pletely naked from the waist down. Loben tore the parasol to

shreds.

When the woman had been taken into the house out of danger
and Loben had been calmed down, the two male visitors came out
and insisted that the lion be shot at once. A heated argument fol-
lowed. Blick was adamant in his defense of Loben. If his guests
didn't like his lions, they could get out. The visitors packed up and
left immediately and spent a bleak Christmas traveling on the veldt
A short time afterwards, Blick was called away on imperative
business. Since he couldn't very well take his lions along with him
and couldn't entrust them to the care of his black boys, who were
terrified by them, he was faced with the painful task of disposing
of them. Fortunately & friend stopped in on his way to an encamp-
ment farther west. This man kindly offered to take them with him.
At first Blick couldn't bring himself to relinquish them; only after
repeated assurances that they would be given the fondest of care
did he give them up. He was genuinely bereaved.

John Blick never lost his interest and love for animals. After he
returned to his home in Los Angeles, several years later, he fre-
quently visited the zoo and he saw every circus that came to town.
He would walk out to the menagerie early in the morning before
anyone else was around and look at the lions, always the lions first.
One day he strolled into the animal tent of a small traveling cir-
cus. In a cage marked "MAN-EATING LION FROM AFRICA*'
a huge, black-maned lion was raging furiously. The keeper turned
as Blick approached. "I don't know what's the matter with him/'
he said. "He's the unhappiest lion I've ever seen. He roars and
storms, whenever anybody goes near him."

"I think I can tell you," Blick answered. Before the guard could
stop him, he jumped over the ropes and went up to the cage.
"Hello, Loben!" The lion turned, tensed his ears, and became still.
Blick put his hand through the bars. "Hello, Loben," he called
again. The lion ambled over, amiably shook his mane, and stretched
comfortably while Blick stroked him. Loben was happy. The
friend who he thought had deserted him was here again.

Our campfire conversation often took a serious turn. One eve-
ning the tariff was under discussion between Rhodes, Jameson, and

270 Tne Autobiography of John Hays Hammond

myself. Rhodes had been criticizing America for having levied a
heavy duty on diamonds the previous year. His particular grievance
was that the De Beers Company had gone to considerable expense
in sending an interesting diamond exhibit to the World's Fair at
Chicago, and immediately afterwards the Americans had imposed
a heavy duty on diamonds. I explained that the United States was
not discriminating against the De Beers Company but that the
powerful American silver interests had blamed the decline in silver
on the English bankers headed by the Rothschilds. Knowing that
the Rothschilds were largely interested in the De Beers diamond
mines, the silver producers successfully exerted their influence in
Congress to have a tariff placed on the De Beers diamonds in re-
prisal against the Rothschilds.

This led to a discussion of tariffs as an economic policy. Although
Rhodes sometimes took the opposite side of an argument to test
the soundness of his own views, on this occasion he was in earnest
and criticized our American tariff, I thought, intemperately. Pro-
voked by this, I told him that he might be a master of South Afri-
can politics, but there was apparently much he did not know about
the American tariff.

I continued, in what proved to be a prophetic vein: "The tariff
is a business proposition entirely. If Great Britain were wise, she
would establish a protective tariff. Then she could grant conces-
sions to her colonies and to other nations and in return secure
favorable treatment from them through reciprocal tariff arrange-
ments. Indeed, Great Britain could in this way establish an eco-
nomic empire, binding her dominions, colonies, and dependencies
to her by enlightened self-interest, as well as by considerations of
sentiment."

Rhodes, who had been brought up under free trade principles,
became much excited and lost his temper. I, therefore, ended the
discussion by stating firmly: "When you can discuss this matter as
one gentleman with another, I shall resume my argument. Your
attitude is childish!"

Without saying a word, Rhodes picked up his blankets and moved
off about fifty feet from where he, Dr. Jameson, and I had already
spread our blankets for the night. Jameson, who, with all his fond-

Trekking Tktougk Matateleland 271

ness for Rhodes, knew his temperamental weaknesses, smiled at me
and said, "He'll get over it."

Awaking early the next morning, I saw Rhodes stretching him-
self and rubbing his joints ruefully as he rolled out of his blankets.
After remarking to Jameson, "He must have had a pretty hard
night of it," I strolled over. His stiffness was readily explicable,
He had been so preoccupied with his peevishness, that in the dark-
ness he had carelessly spread his blankets over some stones. I tried
to re-establish an entente cordiale by sympathizing with him on his
uncomfortable bed, but he had very little to say. His ill-humor
continued during breakfast. I finally became tired of his dour looks,
and when the meal was over, I rose and said: "Since you aren't in a
very amiable frame of mind, I'm going out for a ride and a shot at
some big game. I'll meet you at the next outspan about lunch time.'*

On the horse with which Jameson had provided me I spent three
or four pleasurable hours riding over the grassy upland. Here and
there were herds of animals, sometimes grazing, sometimes run-
ning about aimlessly. There were antelope of various kinds in
abundance. Swift-footed zebras fled pell-mell at my approach. I
found these so interesting that I lost track of the time.

It was nearly noon when I realized that I had wandered far and
must be a great distance from the rest of the party. However, I
finally succeeded in picking the trail, and after several hours of hard
riding reached the place where Rhodes and Jameson were out-
spanned for the day.

In his anxiety over my prolonged absence Rhodes had completely
forgotten his splenetic behavior of the morning. He laid his arm
affectionately across my shoulder and said: "Hammond, we've been
worried about you. You must know how dangerous it is to go
wandering off like that alone on the veldt."

"Oh, well, I had a gun," I replied deprecatingly.

"Yes, but it's very easy to get lost unless you're an expert tracker
in this particular kind of country. It's not enough to have a gun
with you. Your horse might have broken a leg, and you would
have been left alone on foot. You had no food, water, or blankets.

"Let me tell you what happened to me once in my early days,
before I was used to the ways of the country. I had a glimpse of

2/2 Tne Autooiograpny of John Hays Hammond

what it might be to be lost on this same veldt I had strolled away
from camp, lured by great herds of game, and found myself miles
away with all sense of direction gone. I was lost, completely lost,
and overcome by that terror that grips you when you turn, first in
one direction, then in another, and finally in a circle and realize that
all directions have suddenly become alike. For hours I was hope-
lessly bewildered. Finally, from sheer exhaustion I sat down and
wept. That seemed to clear my brain and, slowly, I began to be
able to discern certain remembered landmarks. I might have been
lost for good and all. It was only by the rarest good luck that the
adventure ended otherwise."

For the rest of the trip we proceeded in amity. We devoted our
evening causeries to the subject in hand: the mineral potentialities of
the country we were exploring, and their bearing on the working
out of various of Rhodes's plans.

Rhodes's greatest dream was always the Cape-to-Cairo Railroad.
He knew it was essential for the railroad that coal be located not
too far from the proposed line and hoped coal fields might be dis-
covered in Mashonaland. Coal actually was found there not long
after. Through the Company, grants of land of one hundred square
miles each had been given to Burnham, Ingram, and Colonel Mau-
rice Gifford for exceptional services in the First Matabele War.
These could be pegged anywhere north of the Zambesi River, and
were to include all minerals.

Realizing the importance of the discovery of coal fields before
this idea had dawned on other prospectors, these three men began
a search. Burnham received a geological tip from natives, who told
him that in their country there were "black rocks" that burned. He
rushed Ingram and John and Judd Blick, with a quick-moving out-
fit, off to the north. This resulted in their pegging ten square miles
of land containing enormous coal reserves. Afterwards, this prop-
erty was consolidated with the Mashonaland Agency. The Wankie
Coal Fields, as they are now called, are indispensable to the indus-
trial life of Rhodesia.

On our trip we kept constantly in mind, too, the possible occur-
rence of other metals, such as iron, copper, and lead. Although we
did not find them then, the explorations by Burnham led indirectly

Trekking Tkrougli Matakeleland 275

to the development of the great Congo copper fields and shortly
afterwards to the exploration and discovery of the copper deposits
in Northern Rhodesia, which is rapidly becoming an important
factor in the world's copper production.

The discovery of these copper deposits resulted from a remarkable
bit of detective work.

Burnham had started to sink a well back of his cabin in Bulawayo.
Among the diggers was one of Lobengula's former warriors, whose
girl-wife belonged to the Matokas, as indicated by the fact that, ac-
cording to a tribal custom, her two upper incisors had been removed.
The Matokas lived hundreds of miles to the north. Burnham, whose
eyes missed few things, noticed that the girl wore a bracelet of
"native," or pure, copper. Trade copper, or brass, an alloy of copper
and zinc, was common as an ornament, but native copper was ex-
tremely rare. Upon being questioned, the warrior said the girl had
been captured in a raid into Barotseland undertaken by King Loben-
gula's men just before the fatal war with the whites, and that he
himself had been in the raiding party.

Burnham began to suspect he was on the trail of something im-
portant, but unfortunately he could not understand the slave girl's
dialect probably her entire vocabulary did not exceed three hun-
dred words. Interpreters were secured, as a result of which her
dialect was translated into Barotse, and that into Mungwate (Ba-
suto), and that again into Matabele (Zulu), and from- Zulu finally
into English.

Messages repeated back and forth from interpreter to interpreter
through four languages brought out these facts: her country was
the same number of days' march beyond the Great River (the Zam-
besi) as it was from Bulawayo to the Zambesi; that once, when very
small, she had seen men in white robes and wearing white cloth on
their heads undoubtedly Arabs come into her country and trade
for the red metal of which her bracelet was made; that this metal
came from ingudines, holes in the earth. There were no words in
her language, however, to express the size or depth of these holes.
Judicious gifts to the warrior and his friends led to many indabas,
which brought out a complete history of the great raid made by six
thousand of Lobengula's warriors. The girl related how they were

274 Tne Aiitooiograpny of Joim Hays Hammond

defeated and killed by hundreds, not by the spears of the Barotse, but
by smallpox.

Since hoisting equipment was practically unobtainable, Burnham
had decided to sink his well native fashion by passing up the broken
rock from man to man to the surface. All the while this talk went
on the well was slowly deepening. He had the girl and the inter-
preters brought to the well, and asked her if this well was like the
ingudines in her own country where they found the red metal
She said emphatically, "Yes,, some one-man deep; some three, like
this."

Burnham began at once to prepare for the long trek to find the
red metal. An expedition was financed in London and started from
Bulawayo in May, 1895, under his command. Howard U. Moff at,
at that time local manager of the already existing Bechuanaland Ex-
ploration Company, did everything possible to help. Burnham
wisely decided to consolidate his grant with those of Ingram and
Gifford and, upon the advice of Rhodes, turned over the whole
three hundred square miles to the Bechuanaland Exploration Com-
pany.

This company was later consolidated with Northern Coppers, and,
finally, with the extensive concessions given by the government of
Rhodesia and the Congo Free State to Robert Williams and asso-
ciates.

On its return Burnham's expedition met that of George Grey,
brother of the late Viscount Grey, at the Zambesi River; Grey was
going north to peg out claims for Robert Williams, then head of
the Zambesia Exploring Company. Credit is due Williams for the
development of the Katanga district in the Belgian Congo, just
north of Rhodesia, under the auspices of the Union Miniere du
Haut Katanga, of which he is vice-president. Through his per-
severance, vision, and courage, this property has become the source
from which a large part of the world's future copper supply is being
derived. In 1928, Williams was made a baronet in recognition of
his services in the development of Central Africa.

Rhodes himself once came near to controlling the copper output
of the world. The story has never been told before. The plan of
campaign had been tentatively formulated around our campfire,

RHODES AND JAMESON ON THE GARDEN PORCH AT GROOTE SCHUUR

IN FRONT OF THE ZIMBABWE RUINS

Trekking Ttrouglx Matakeleland 275

and the near-coup scheduled for 1895. At that time both the De
Beers diamond mines at Kimberley and the new gold fields on the
Rand were producing large dividends. In addition, through Rhodes's
association with important investors in England, we could have
raised the large capital for our project.

The memorable Secretan Copper Syndicate, which had aimed at
buying up the bulk of the world's stock of copper, cornering the
market, and boosting the price, had collapsed ignominiously a few
years before. The brilliant but erratic Frenchman, Secr&an, had
given me much useful information which I passed on to Rhodes
and his associates.

Since these men had established control of the international dia-
mond business through ownership of the diamond mines, this cop-
per project made a strong appeal to them. The Rothschilds, who
controlled the Rio Tinto copper mines in Spain and an important
copper mine in Mexico, would have entered the syndicate.

My plan was to leave for the United States towards the end of
1895, in the hope of acquiring control of several of the great copper
properties there. Unfortunately, the Jameson Raid diverted my at-
tention; after that Rhodes went to Rhodesia to quell the native up-
rising, and the whole gigantic plan fell through.

To return to the story of our expedition. Scattered throughout
the country we were covering we found thousands of excavations
made upon gold-bearing quartz veins, aggregating several hundred
miles in length. Also, there were the ruins of hundreds of ancient
temples and fortresses which stood as the sole monuments of the
forgotten people who had worked these mines.

The land was more or less undulating, the general altitude of
thirty-four hundred feet making it fairly healthful for white people
in its higher parts* Towards the eastern side the mountains tower
to a height of ten thousand feet. The development of the country
at that time was handicapped by the prevalence of the tsetse fly, the
bite of which was fatal to domesticated 'animals, but not to man.
Through the bite of the fly the animal develops a disease known as
nagana. We were fortunate, however, in being able to keep away
from the district infested by the tsetse fly. We would ask an old

276 Tne Autobiography of Jolin Hays Hammond

prospector or native how far away the fly was and if told it was
only a mile or two we would change our course, and thus avoid it.

It was of supreme importance to Rhodes that my report on the
mining prospects of this country be favorable on my findings
would hinge the investment or the noninvestment of enormous
sums of British capital for the development of the country. Yet
never once during the many days that we rode and drove together
did Rhodes embarrass me by asking me to indicate the tenor of my
report. After I had examined the nature of the ore deposits, how-
ever, I did inform him that Lord Randolph Churchill's engineers
had been greatly mistaken in their geological conclusion.

The geology of the country is similar to that of many of the gold-
mining sections of the United States; therefore, the gold was chiefly
in quartz veins. That is, I found broad bands and patches of meta-
morphic schists, from five to twenty miles wide, which contained
gold veins. At the date of my examination nearly two thousand
miles of quartz reefs had been actually pegged out, of which about
four hundred miles were estimated to cover ancient workings. The
origins of these ancient workings and their history have always
seemed to me one of the most exciting things to speculate upon in
the whole story of mining. As we traveled through the country, I
was reaching my conclusions about this as well as the more techni-
cal aspects of the situation.

These excavations were generally several hundred yards in extent
and more or less continuous on the surface. The depth attained
rarely exceeded a hundred feet; on the average it was about sixty.
In order to extract the ore from a vein a large amount of barren rock
had to be taken out and piled on either side of the excavation as the
vein was followed deeper into the ground. So far as my examina-
tion extended, the ancient workings showed no evidence of the
use of scientific methods in their exploitation. Indeed, as regards
both the mining of the ores and the extraction of the gold from the
ore, the methods employed were very crude.

Since the ancient inhabitants of Rhodesia had no knowledge of
explosives, their ingenious method of extracting the ore was to build
open fires against the face of the veins. When the rock was well
heated, they dashed water against it, which caused cracking and dis-

Trekking Tkrougk MataLeleland 277

integration. The broken fragments of ore were crushed upon a sur-
face of hard rock in much the same way as the Mexican Indians
have always ground their corn upon metates. Then followed the
washing of the powdered quartz with water; the lighter particles
separated and floated off, and the heavy residual gold was collected
and melted.

The molten gold was poured finally into soapstone molds and so
converted into bricks or ingots for exportation.

Many of their furnaces, sunk in the solid rock, still remain, some
even contain cakes of gold.

As previously stated, the object of my examination was to deter-
mine whether it would be worth while to reopen those mines and
work them by modern methods. I drew up a complete but naturally
conservative report on the mines of the country. After describing
the general geology, I referred in particular to the character of the
reefs, stating that they belonged to the class of ore deposits known
as true fissure veins, and that veins of this character are universally
noted for their persistence in depth; but I called attention to the fact
that this attribute does not imply the occurrence of pay shoots or
bodies of commercial value in their veins. I emphasized this point
because I did not wish the investing public to be misled into believ-
ing that the reefs of Rhodesia resembled those of the Rand in the
remarkable continuity of pay ore; the reefs of the Rand are unique
among the ore deposits of the world in this respect.

I furthermore expressed my belief that the abandonment of these
mines was not due to the impoverishment of the reefs in depth; as
is characteristic of this type of gold reefs in America and elsewhere,
such impoverishment in depth does occur far more frequently than
on the Rand.

I stated that it would be an anomaly in the history of gold mining
if upon the hundreds of miles of mineralized reefs valuable ore
shoots should not be uncovered as the result of future work, and that
there was substantial grounds to believe that an important
industry would ultimately be developed.
I concluded my report by stating:

I consider it my professional duty to urge on the in-
vesting public the exercise of due discrimination in the

2/8 Tne Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

selection of the properties on which money is to be ex-
pended in development; and, furthermore, to impress
upon mining companies the necessity of establishing
the commercial value of the properties before undertak-
ing the erection of plants for the reduction of ores.
The majority of disappointments in quartz mining all
the world over are attributed to disregard of these prep-
arations. With proper discrimination in the selection
of the properties upon which extensive developments
are to be carried out, and with due regard to the deter-
mination of the appropriate time for the erection of
the reduction plant, the mining risks should be no
greater than in other quartz mining countries. With
these admonitions I confidently commend the country
to the attention of mining capitalists. . , .

Upon our return from Rhodesia I submitted my report in my
Johannesburg office to Rhodes, Dr. Jameson, and the secretary of
the Chartered Company, Dr. Rutherfoord Harris. After hearing
my report, Dr. Harris said, "Well, if we have to depend on Ham-
mond's geological report to raise money for this country, I don't
think the outlook is encouraging."

To his criticism Rhodes replied emphatically: "Hammond is ab-
solutely right. He's said everything he's justified in saying and the
public will see that it's the report of a conscientious engineer, and
give full credit to every word he says* If you don't like his report,
you'd better go ahead and sell your Chartered shares."

Shortly afterwards, Rhodes went to London. At a meeting of the
shareholders of the British South Africa Company he read my re-
port. There was again some disappointment because the report did
not depict a sufficiently roseate future for speculators, and I had not
pulled another Witwatersrand out of my hat. Rhodes supported me
by saying, 'That is the report of a cautious man who visited the
country and reported on what he saw.' 1

Moreover, in discussing the report later, Rhodes was scrupulously
careful not to exaggerate its favorable features, though others, in-
cluding Jameson, were less reticent. To judge from the remarks of

Trekking Ttrougt MatakelelanJ

279

M4TABELEIAKD
RHODES
JAMESOX

280 Tne Autoinograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

the various mining promoters, I must have visited every mine and
claim in Rhodesia and reported glowingly on them all. This was a
source of unending annoyance to me, however profitable it may
have been for the speculators.

On the strength of my report interest was revived in the ener-
getic development of Rhodesia. Eventually sufficient money began
to flow in through British syndicates to carry on the work, and with
gratifying results.

All through Southern Rhodesia shafts were subsequently sunk
upon and through the old workings and some of these mines are
now being worked more than a thousand feet below the deepest ex-
cavations made by the ancient miners, proving conclusively that it
was not because of the pinching out of the veins or the petering out
of the ore that the mines had been abandoned.

How, then, is one to explain the cessation of mining on the
ancient workings? The explanation may be that insuperable physi-
cal difficulties were encountered: the rock became excessively hard
as the excavations deepened; seepage of water flooded the workings;
or the ore became too rebellious or refractory for treatment by the
primitive metallurgy known to the ancients.

It has been suggested that warlike tribes from the North invaded
the country and dispersed the gold workers. This might have oc-
curred at a time when political trouble in the mother country with-
drew from the industry the necessary protection. In many locali-
ties there is considerable evidence that the mines were abandoned
suddenly, lending plausibility to this theory. There is, however,
unmistakable evidence that the reefs were worked at different
periods after their original abandonment: at times by the Arabs, the
Portuguese, and even the Mashona, but the attempts were desultory
and the operations were merely superficial and conducted on a
small scale.

It has been estimated that over one hundred million dollars' worth
of gold had been taken from these ancient workings when the white
men reopened them. The question that has fascinated me ever since
I first saw the Great Zimbabwe is, Who built these massive struc-
tures and where did the gold go that these workers extracted?

The walls of the Temple of Zimbabwe are some thirty-five feet

TreUung Tbrougk Matateleland 281

high, of roughly finished blocks of granite laid in even courses with-
out mortar. Separate towers, which must originally have been
about the same height as the wall, although the tops are now broken
off, were built of solid masonry. Decorative patterns of geometrical
design extended around the outer side of the main wall.

In the valley below the temple was an Acropolis, almost impreg-
nably located; it was further fortified by masonry walls and but-
tresses, and with labyrinthine approaches.

Although no mine workings are found at Zimbabwe, it was un-
doubtedly the center of the industry, serving as a residence for the
directors of mining operations, and also as a collecting place for the
gold, which was there smelted and cast into ingots. A great num-
ber of gold ornaments, bands, and bangles have been found there.

There are also other ruins, each occupying a central position sur-
rounded by abandoned mine workings. At the ruins of Dhlo-dhlo
pottery and ornaments have been found. These outlying forts were
probably built to protect the mines from native attack, as it is
noticeable that the positions are carefully chosen with a view to
defense. At the Mundie ruins there are abandoned iron, as well as
gold, workings. Here we found crucibles with cakes of gold still
in them.

With the exception of Zimbabwe, there are no temple ruins. Ap-
parently Zimbabwe was also the religious capital.

Hall and Neal, recognized authorities, have divided the ruins into
four types: the first and best, then one of an inferior but still sound
architecture, a third decadent type, and finally a local native at-
tempt to continue the Zimbabwe style of architecture.

There are two distinct theories as to the builders of this temple.
Dr. David Randall-Maclver, in Mediaeval Rhodesia, states that the
ruins of Zimbabwe date no farther back than the fourteenth or fif-
teenth century A. D. In this theory he is followed by Miss Caton-
Thompson. Both archaeologists assert that the ruins and the
abandoned workings are of Bantu origin, the Bantu being one of
the numerous negroid tribes of Central and Southern Africa.

The Mashona, who inhabited this region at the time of my visit,
are said to have been a militant people. But the conquest of
the country by the Matabele not only absolutely shattered their

282 Tlie AutoLiograpIiy of Join Hays Hammond

power but also made slaves of them, and they became a de-
graded race. Although largely of Bantu blood, the Mashona have
a distinctly Semitic cast of countenance. It is an interesting fact
that neither the Mashona nor the Matabele have any knowledge of
the builders of the forts and temples; they have not even any legends
or traditions regarding them. Neither do they inhabit these ruins;
they use them as sepulchers for their chiefs.

It seems incredible that any Bantu negro ever reached a point of
civilization high enough to warrant assumption that he was the
architect and the engineer of Zimbabwe.

With the sole exception of Dr. Randall-Maclver and Miss Caton-
Thompson, all authorities on the origin of the ruins in Rhodesia op-
pose the Bantu theory. Sir H. H. Johnston, who stands first in the
knowledge of Bantu ethnology, is firmly convinced that no race of
Bantu negroes could have created Zimbabwe without Semitic teach-
ers. Not long ago I wrote to Mr. Howard U. Moffat on this ques-
tion and received the following reply:

"I too, agree with you, in spite of Miss Caton-Thompson's theory,
that the ancient work done in this country and the old ruins which
must be connected with the old mines and date from the same
period, cannot have been the work of the Bantu people alone. No
doubt the mass of labor required for these works was supplied by
local natives, probably, almost certainly slaves, but it must have been
done under some foreign and superior direction."

This is also the opinion of Theodore Bent, who is recognized
facile princeps among the authorities who have investigated the sub-
ject. His evidence is set forth in The Ruined Cities of Mashondand,
which ascribes the Zimbabwe civilization to Sabaean or Phoenician
origin.

A. H. Keane, eminent anthropologist, agrees that the ruins are
Semitic.

Hall and Neal likewise agree with Bent.

There is naturally wide divergence of opinion as to the period dur-
ing which these mines were worked. There are no inscriptions to
serve as definite, unimpeachable evidence. One of the more recent
investigators, Professor Raymond Dart, puts the earliest workings

TretL'ng TLrougk Matateleland 283

as from 4000 to 3000 B. a From this extreme period, estimates range
down to comparatively modern times.

Professor J. W. Gregory, of the University of Glasgow, thinks some
of the gold recently excavated at Ur came from these mines. The
archaeological and religious evidence in favor of dating these ruins
far back in antiquity is well summed up by him in his lecture on Ur.

There are signs [he says] of pre-medieval mining in
Rhodesia, such as a Roman coin found in a shaft seventy
feet deep near Umtali; beads referred to Ptolemaic
Egypt and pre-medieval India; the use of ingot moulds
of the x-shaped pattern used by the Phoenicians in Corn-
wall; soapstone birds similar to those used in Assyria
and in the gold and turquoise mines of Egypt; a knobbed
cylinder compared by Hogarth to one from Cyprus; the
Groote Schuur platter with the signs of the zodiac;
inscriptions that have been identified as proto-Arabic
and Semitic characters.

Innumerable evidences of phallic worship have been found in
these ruins. The great number of soapstone birds, pronounced by
authorities to be similar to the images of birds found in Arabia,
Egypt, Phoenicia and Assyria birds sacred to the Assyrian Astarte
or Venus, and emblems symbolic of the female element in creation,
further attest the practice of a cult characteristic of those countries.

There seems to be a substantial basis for the theory that Rhodesian
mines were worked by King Solomon, and that it is from this
source that he derived his fabulous wealth. The proof necessarily
remains circumstantial. To refresh the memory of Bible students
I insert the following quotations:

I Kings ix:26. And king Solomon made a navy of
ships in Ezion-geber, which is beside Eloth, on the
shore of the Red Sea, in the land of Edom.

I Kings ix: 27. And Hiram sent in the navy his serv-
ants, shipmen that had knowledge of the sea, with the
servants of Solomon,

284 Tne Automograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

I Kings ix: 28. And they came to Ophir, and fetched
from thence gold, four hundred and twenty talents,
and brought it to king Solomon.

I Kings x:22. For the king had at sea a navy of
Tharshish with the navy of Hiram: once in three
years came the navy of Tharshish, bringing gold, and
silver, ivory, and apes, and peacocks.

The Rhodesian mines lie inland about two hundred miles from
Sofala, famous as a gold-exporting seaport in the days of King
Solomon. From Sof ala there is well-marked evidence of an ancient
road to the interior through Portuguese East Africa. The forts along
this road, of which there are still extensive remains, were almost
certainly built to protect the gold carriers on their way in and out.
This ancient town of Sofala lies a short distance south of the present
important Portuguese port of Beira. Sofala is about twenty-five
hundred miles from the lower end of the Red Sea. That distance
was not too great to be covered by the Arabian and Phoenician navi-
gators. They carried on trade with many parts of the Mediterranean*
developed mines in Spain and reached as far as Cornwall, England,
where they mined tin. The voyages along the eastern coast of Africa
were facilitated by the monsoons the trade winds of the Indian
Ocean.

From a study of the map it seems obvious that the ships fitted out
at Ezion-geber, near the head of the Red Sea, were to be used for
trading with India or down the African coast. Asia Minor, Persia,
Arabia, Egypt, and even Southern Siberia could have been reached
far more conveniently by land.

While there are many gold deposits in Siberia, and some perhaps
as yet undeveloped in Mongolia, I saw no evidence of ancient work-
ings when I visited those regions in 1898 to study their mineral
resources.

As to Egypt, ancient gold mines did exist, but so far as known
they are of insignificant extent compared with those of Rhodesia.
Arabia was formerly regarded by many authorities as the site of
King Solomon's mines, but there are in that country no gold mines
of sufficient size to warrant this assumption, and the building of the

Trekking Tkrougi. JMataielelamJ 285

Red Sea fleet would not have been required for trade with Egypt
or Arabia as both were more accessible by caravan.

The fact that ships were built by Hiram at Ezion-geber at the
head of the Red Sea to transport his gold precludes any suggestion
that the source of gold was in the countries bordering the Medi-
terranean.

The wealth of Croesus was drawn from gold mines near Smyrna;
that of Darius came from western Asia Minor. Midas found his gold
in the mines of Phrygia south of the Hellespont. The Argonauts'
legendary land of the Golden Fleece was probably the alluvial
deposits along the rivers of Armenia.

India and the east coast of Africa, then, where ancient workings
are known to exist, remain as the only possible sources of the
enormous amount of gold brought to the land of the Jews in the
reign of Solomon.

The Mysore mines of India were undoubtedly worked in ancient
times. There were some mines in Behar, and gold is found in the
Himalayas and in Tibet, but in none of those fields is there evidence
of extensive ancient workings, certainly none comparable to those
of Rhodesia. It is well known that highways across the desert bound-
ing Assyria and Babylon connected these countries with what is now
Palestine, and thus with the Mediterranean Sea and Egypt, while
the overland routes to India lay across Central Asia. All this tends
to prove that the ships at Ezion-geber could not have been used in
bringing gold from India or thereabouts.

King Hiram of Tyre brought back from the land of Ophir slaves
whom he used in building King Solomon's temple, and, according
to the sculpture of the period, those slaves had unmistakably negroid
features. For that reason the slaves could not have come from
Southern India or from that part of the world where the racial
physiognomy was of a very different type.

The conclusive proof, to my mind, is the fact that the culture
of the miners of India was of a type entirely distinct from that of
the Phoenicians, which is characteristic of the culture of the Rho-
desian miners.

My personal research has been confirmed by the works of more
competent authorities who have investigated this problem. I have

286 Tne Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

concluded that these mines are actually the famous mines of King
Solomon. As stated before, the proof must necessarily remain cir-
cumstantial My line of reasoning is, in the first place, that there
was no other source known at that time where such quantities of
gold could have been obtained, and, in the second place, the objects
found at Zimbabwe were similar to Phoenician objects used for the
same purpose.

The date of the first Phoenician expedition to the land of Ophir
was made in the reign of Solomon, about 1000 B.C. From this time
to the destruction of the Phoenician and Israelitish fleets at Ezion-
geber was about a hundred years. With this defeat, so far as we
know, the Phoenician control of the Indian Ocean ended.

When I regarded it as strongly probable that Southern Rhodesia
was the land of Ophir of the Bible, I wrote to Rider Haggard and
asked him why, in his book, he had located King Solomon's mines
within a few miles of where I believed I had seen them. He replied
that he had placed the mines in Southern Rhodesia because he felt
that its almost inaccessible character would prevent any Yankee
mining engineer from penetrating there, and reporting tfiat Hag-
gard's King Solomon mines did not exist. "And thus," he said,
"imagination precedes reality."

It may interest the reader to see what has been accomplished by
the re-establishment of the mining industry in Rhodesia.

For a long period prior to the advent of the British South Africa
Company, Rhodesia was known as a land of constant and murderous
tribal warfare. Within a few years the country underwent an ex-
traordinary transformation. Even when I visited it last in 1899, I
saw every evidence of the rapid progress that had been made towards
civilization.

Rhodesia is now a well-governed country, with a population of
fifty thousand whites, four thousand Asiatics, and a native popula-
tion of over a million. Bulawayo (the Place of Slaughter) the old
kraal of Lobengula has now a population of twelve thousand
Europeans.

In education, the country has also made remarkable strides. There
are a hundred and sixty-three schools for Europeans, in which nine
thousand European children are provided with education. There

Trekking TkrougL Matateleland 287

are fifteen hundred schools for native pupils, with a total enrollment
of one hundred and ten thousand pupils.

There is a high court composed of a chief justice and two judges,
having both criminal and civil jurisdiction. Natives are subject in
the main to the same laws as Europeans, though there are special
restrictions relating to arms, ammunition, and liquor; and there are
laws particularly applicable to natives, such as those dealing with
marriage, taxation, and registration. Native commissioners have
jurisdiction in civil and criminal matters in which natives only are
concerned.

In 1923 the British South Africa Company relinquished to the
British government all rights and interests in lands in Southern
Rhodesia. The Crown recognizes the Company, however, as the
owner of the mineral rights throughout both Southern and Northern
Rhodesia.

The country is well adapted for agriculture. The cattle industry
is carried on extensively. In 1930 nearly four hundred thousand
acres were planted in maize, tobacco, and fodders. Large fruit
orchards have been planted and nearly all varieties of fruit thrive.
The cultivation of oranges and lemons constitutes a rapidly expand-
ing industry, and much of the citrus fruit is exported to Europe. A
thriving business is done in dairy products and poultry. A land and
agricultural bank makes loans to settlers on easy terms for repay-
ment for the purpose of improving and developing their agricultural
holdings.

Since the reopening of the country, the total output of all minerals
is valued at about five hundred million dollars, of which the gold
amounted to about three hundred and fifty million. In 1931 the
gold output was about twelve million, and the total mineral output,
including coal, chrome ore, and asbestos, was over twenty million
dollars.

There are a number of minor industries now established in the
colony. These include brick and tile works, cigarette and tobacco
factories, cold storage and ice-making installations. At the time of
my first visit in 1894, there were no facilities for making ice. It was
my privilege to donate the first ice-making machine to Bulawayo,
and this proved a blessing, especially for use in the hospital. There

288 TLe Autobiography of .Jonn Hays Hammond

are also iron and brass foundries, mineral water factories, electric
light and power plants.

The British South Africa Company has a controlling interest in
the Rhodesian Railway system, with a total mileage of twenty-seven
hundred miles. In connection with the railways of the Union of
South Africa, it provides through communications from Cape Town
to the Congo border, 2149 miles. In addition to these, a line stretches
three hundred miles from Bulawayo via Salisbury to the port of
Beira,

A system of road motor services has been organized with a total
mileage of sixteen hundred miles. There are two hundred and
twelve post offices, forty-seven of which are money order and savings
bank offices. The operation of mines, farms, and other industries
furnishes employment to a large part of the million natives of
Southern Rhodesia.

The transformation of this country is indeed marvelous and a
blessing, not only for the whites, but for the natives as well. Here,
as elsewhere, British colonizers have faithfully assumed the White
Man's Burden.

In his TJjc of Jameson, under the chapter "Round the Camp-fire,"
Ian Colvin makes the obstetrical observation that "There are many
events in the womb of time which will be delivered*" He says:

Mr. Hammond came, a messenger of fate laden with
the heavy destinies of these two men. He brought por-
tentous news, ominous messages. But neither the mes-
senger who bore them nor the two friends who received
them could have felt the burden of fatality as they took
their tranquil and leisurely way over the high spacious
plains up there as it were on the roof of Africa. There
with their wagons on the open veld, with game to shoot
and with Tony to cook, under the sun, under the stars,
in that up-lifting air, in that new, clean and boundless
country, there was laughter, there was keen talk, there
were the exhilaration of past success and the inspiration
of great projects but no shadow of the impending
disaster.

Trekking Tkrougk JVtatatelelancJ 285

Mr. Hammond furnished Mitchell, the biographer of
Rhodes, with an account of this visit, how they rode
together and drove together for weeks on end, how his
opinion on the minerals of the country was "of the
greatest moment to Rhodes, both for political and finan-
cial reasons," yet how "during the many days that we
rode and drove together there was not the slightest
attempt on his part to obtain from me any premature
expression as to the value of the country." Such was
Rhodes's delicacy of mind; but Mr. Hammond also has
his reticence, for he does not mention the one great
subject upon which these three certainly did talk.
[This is an implication of suppressio veri on my part.]
We hear of it, however, from Jameson, who said,
long afterwards, to a certain Select Committee: "At the
end of 1893, shortly after the conclusion of the Matabele
War, I had many conversations with Mr. Rhodes on the
subject of the Federation of South Africa, and the
obstacles presented to this by the attitude of the South
African Republic." And Jameson adds that while they
were still discussing this problem, "about the middle of
I 894" John Hays Hammond came up to Matabeleland
with a very important contribution to the debate.
"Unless a radical change was made," Mr. Hammond
told them, "there would be a rising of the people of
Johannesburg." As a fact he came up to them because
by this time it was obvious that there were only two
men who mattered.

Here, again, we might almost reconstruct the talk not
between two this time but between three. The scene,
of course, is different, no longer the tin bungalow in
Kimberley, but the velvety sky with the Southern Cross
hung like a jewel above, a roaring camp-fire, throwing
dramatic gleams and shadows strange as their own fates
on and around the three figures before it, behind them
Tony, the mules, and the wagons, and the stillness
beyond broken now and then by the nightmare laugh

290 Tne AutoLiograpIiy of John Hays Hammond

of a hyena or the roar of a prowling lion, mockeries and
threats from the darkness.

So far as concerns the "portentous news, ominous messages" that
I had brought posthaste to Rhodes and Jameson, it certainly would
have been presumptuous for me, who had been in Africa not quite
a year, to have undertaken to give a true picture of the political con-
ditions in Johannesburg to Rhodes and Jameson, who had been in
the country for many years. Moreover, it would have been an un-
warranted assumption of authority on my part to speak for the min-
ing investors of the Rand, with whom I had no affiliation except as
an engineer and manager of the Consolidated Gold Fields of South
Africa a company controlled by Rhodes.

The implication in Colvin's account of my trip with Rhodes and
Jameson to Mashonaland is that the prime object, if not the ulterior
motive, of the journey was to discuss with them the political condi-
tions on the Rand. As a matter of fact, Rhodes was at the time far
more concerned with the kind of report I was to make as to the
potential mining value of that region, and I was there solely for that
purpose. It is quite true that I spoke of grievances of the Uitlander
population, and admittedly must have said that had the mining
population of the Rand been of the more turbulent character of the
western mining districts of America, there would long since have
been a serious outbreak against the Boer government. This was
undoubtedly true, and I very likely did make the statement attributed
to me: "Unless a radical change was made there would be a rising
of the people of Johannesburg." This was my opinion at the time
and there was no reason why I should have hesitated to express it.
I, of course, intimated that my sympathy lay with the Uitlanders.
This I subsequently showed by my participation as one of the leaders
of the Reform Movement which was doomed to defeat by Jameson's
Caesarean operation "upon the womb of time." Yet to assign to me
the function of accoucheur in the birth of the movement, for reform,
as represented by Colvin, is obviously absurd.

I have discussed "Round the Camp-fire" at length because other
authors^have, without further substantiation, assumed the correctness
of Colvin's theory of the origin of the Jameson Raid.

A SOUTH AFRICAN MINE

KAFFIR MINERS

CHAPTER SIXTEEN
Deep-level Mining

A REVOLUTIONARY DECISION TWO CABLES TAKE
A MONTH OPEN SELLING AND SECRET BUYING
ACQUIRING THE DEEP-LEVEL AREAS ON THE
RAND PARABOLIC CURVES VERSUS THE METHOD OF
TRIANGULATION THE PROJECT IS REGARDED WITH
SKEPTICISM CONVINCING THE BROKERS AND THE
PUBLIC THE ROBINSON DEEP ARRIVES ON SCHED-
ULE ADVANTAGES AND OBSTACLES OF DEEP-LEVEL
MINING ASSURING AN ADEQUATE SUPPLY OF KAF-
FIRS KRUGER STANDS IN THE PATH OF EMPIRE

|ays of traveling together, with

, ^ - its pleasant companionship,

brought about a close bond of friendship between Rhodes and
myself. This inevitably gave me many opportunities to discuss sub-
jects of communal interest. As the result of this intimate associa-
tion my admiration for Rhodes was greatly increased, as was his
confidence in me.

As we sat around our campfire one starlit evening on our trip
through Mashonaland, interrupted only by the roar of distant lions,
Rhodes asked me my opinion as to the future of the Rand. He
wanted to know what would be the life of the mines.

I told him that geologically there was no reason why the Rand
should not last many years; that from an engineering point of view
mining could be successfully carried on to a depth of several thou-

39*

292 Tke Autotiograpky of Jonn Hays Hammond

sand feet, surely upwards of five thousand feet vertically. The
lowest workings of the outcrop companies at that time had reached
only five hundred feet vertically. I made some drawings explaining
the geology of the Rand formation and the reasons determining my
views as to the continuity in depth of the ore-bearing formation. I
gave him some figures on the yield per acre of the outcrop companies
and the resulting profits from operations. I told him that I believed
properties on the dip up to several thousand feet in vertical depth
could be operated at a cost but little exceeding that of the outcrop
areas; and I satisfied him that large profits could be made by acquir-
ing the land (which subsequently became known as the deep-level
areas), sinking the vertical shafts to strike the ore-bearing formation
and mining and milling according to the methods of the outcrop
companies but upon a larger scale of operations.

"Why would it not be good business/' Rhodes asked, "to sell our
holdings in the outcrop companies; buy all the available deep-level
areas for several miles along the strike of the outcrop reefs and start
deep-level mining, using the money we get from the sale of our out-
crop companies holdings for that purpose?"

"That's exactly my idea. In fact,'* I added, "I had recommended
it to Barnato, but he was too much engaged in other affairs to give it
serious consideration and that is one of the reasons why I severed
my connection with the Barnato firm."

"You are sure, are you, Hammond, that your geology is sound
on this deep-level theory of yours?"

Without a moment's hesitation I replied, 'Til stake my reputation
on it."

"Let's send a cablegram to London at once!" Rhodes exclaimed.
Together we composed a cablegram to the Consolidated Gold Fields
Directors in London, of which Rhodes was the controlling factor.
And about two o'clock in the morning, my secretary the Honorable
Eustace Fiennes a fearless adventurer, a D.S.O. man, who in later
years became governor-general of the Leeward Islands started with
two natives on a five hundred mile ride across dangerous country to
the nearest telegraph station at Maf eking with the cable, signed by
Rhodes, which was in substance as follows:

Deep-level Mining 293

HAVE DECIDED BEST POLICY FOR COMPANY WOULD BE SELL
OUT OUR ENTIRE HOLDINGS IN OUTCROP COMPANIES DO THIS
AT ONCE HAMMOND APPROVES CABLE REPLY

It took a month for our messenger to cover the journey, receive
the reply, and rejoin us near the Zambesi, a total ride of over a thou-
sand miles. And this was the directors' reply:

WE DO NOT UNDERSTAND YOUR CABLEGRAM DO YOU WISH
US TO LIQUIDATE COMPANY THIS CANNOT BE DONE WITH-
OUT FULL EXPLANATION TO DIRECTORS

Rhodes was furious. He was not in the habit of having his explicit
instructions disobeyed. He sent another cablegram:

DO EXACTLY AS I INSTRUCTED YOU TO DO AT ONCE WITH-
OUT ASKING QUESTIONS I TAKE FULL RESPONSIBILITY CJ.R,

This time the London directors obeyed. When we got back to
Johannesburg several million dollars' worth of shares had been
turned into cash at high prices, the Kaffir market then being at the
peak of a boom.

Just as Rhodes was ready to leave Johannesburg for London to
submit my report on Mashonaland and Matabeleland to the British
South Africa Company shareholders, he asked, "Hammond, what
are you going to do about acquiring the ground for our new deep-
level enterprise ?" I replied that I had certain plans which, of course,
would have to be kept secret. We then discussed them; he approved
and told me to go ahead.

Rhodes's notes to me were often pithy. In the little black note-
book that I always carried with me I find the following. It refers,
of course, to the deep-level mines and, although it may seem cryptic
to the average reader, I quote it because it illustrates a certain dryness
in his humor and a liking for epigrammatic philosophies undoubtedly
springing from his admiration for Marcus Aurelius.

"Do not buy deeps with poor parents. Drunkards' children are
no good. Go always into good things, not doubtful ones unless they
cost you nothing. Remember poor ground costs just as much to

294 Tke Autooiograpliy of John Hays Hammond

work as rich ground, the only difference is the first cost- My idea is
you should gradually as you can get out of your doubtful holdings
and companies you do not control, and consolidate in those of which
you have the control, or see a chance to work by getting the control.
My idea of B is that he is an honest man but no head or judg-
ment. If he wants to go throw no obstacle in his way. The same
article in America worth perhaps 20 shillings per diem."

Rhodes's reference to "buy deeps with good parents" was to pur-
chase ground underlying or adjacent to areas of proved value. This
shows his excellent judgment in the advice he gave to me.

Some of the London financial papers criticized my not having
been present when Rhodes submitted my report. They did not
know I had remained in Johannesburg to attend to the details of the
deep-level project. My plan was to secure large tracts of land ad-
joining those of the producing outcrop companies. Much of this
deep-level area was regarded as of no prospective value for mining;
nor was it of much use for agriculture. Some small farms had, how-
ever, been purchased at a low price by the outcrop companies and
by individuals and syndicates. These were being held for possible
development in the remote future, as it would not pay to sink deep
shafts as pure speculation.

The owners of these properties did not realize there was an im-
mediate possibility of their being worked as mines, and it was part
of my task to see that secrecy was maintained. Had even a whisper
of our intentions been spread abroad, the price would have gone
rocketing. Working independently through several brokers pledged
to silence, I was able to secure most of the desirable land on favorable
terms. There remained, however, certain properties essential for
carrying out the proposed scheme which could not be secured by
purchase.

As soon as the individuals and syndicates mentioned above ascer-
tained that Rhodes was behind the project, they insisted on having
stock in the new enterprise instead of cash. To meet their demands
I held a meeting of all persons concerned, I proposed that each be
allocated a certain interest in the consolidated plan according to a
percentage I had previously worked out with my engineers. The
appraisal was based on, first, the distance of the properties from the

Deep-level Mining 295

outcrops of the gold-bearing reefs, second, the depth of the reefs
below ground, and third, special technical considerations.

The appraisal was fair, even generous. Although I knew I would
have little difficulty in securing the consent of most of the property
holders in their respective allotments, I apprehended some delay in
settling with H. J. King for his quota. King was a prominent mining
investor who had acquired considerable reputation as a "mining
man" in the early days of the Rand because of a trip he had made
some years before through the western mining districts of America.
There he had acquired a fluent though superficial familiarity with
mining terminology. King rather prided himself on his knowledge
of mining, and the mere fact that he was an American favored his
pretensions. Everyone else at the meeting had agreed to the terms,
but, as a matter of business habit, King objected to the amount of
stock I had allocated to him.

"I suppose you've figured out the relative importance of the hold-
ings in the Consolidated Company by the usual process of triangula-
tion," said King.

I replied: "No, Mr. King, as a matter of fact I did not. I'm glad,
however, you asked the question. The triangulation process is obso-
lete. I've worked it out by parabolic curves, which, as you know,
is too technical to be understood by anyone not thoroughly familiar
with mining." Then I added, "Of course, Mr. King, as a mining
man you must admit that the accuracy of the parabolic curve method
cannot be disputed."

Admitting that results computed by this new formula must be
beyond cavil, he attached his signature to the agreement without
further argument.

A few days later, I encountered King. When we were alone, he
asked me somewhat diffidently, "By the way, Hammond, since every-
thing is closed up now, what is that system of parabolic curves?'*

"As a matter of fact, King," I said, "that is just something I in-
vented to overcome the unjustifiable objections of a recalcitrant
negotiator!"

Twenty years later King was my dinner host in London and told
this story on himself. By that time he had become a mining magnate
and had outgrown his reputation as a mining expert.

296 Tne Autobiography of Join Hays Hammond

After this large area had been acquired, it was subdivided for
deep-level companies, based on economic and engineering considera-
tions. After the acquisition of the deep-level properties large sums
were required for shaft sinking and development of the mines and
erection of mills to treat the ore, amounting to several million dollars
for each property. Therefore, it was necessary to take immediate
steps to get the large capital required. The financial groups operating
the outcrop companies not unnaturally objected to the large sums of
money being diverted from speculation in their shares. Also, the
majority of them quite honestly believed that the deep-level project
was not feasible. With the exception of my own engineers and a
very few others, the Rand in general regarded the whole plan as
visionary.

I was not only disappointed in the failure of the mining groups
to co-operate, but was hindered by their direct opposition to the
project. Immediately on Rhodes's return from London, I went to
Cape Town to see him. I told him I had expected positive co-opera-
tion from the Eckstein group, representatives of Wernher, Beit and
Company, but instead, their engineers were expressing much ad-
verse criticism of our plans. Rhodes thought opposition from this
quarter so serious that he advised me to take the first steamer to Lon-
don to see Alfred Beit, who was one of the controlling factors in
Wernher, Beit and Company. This I did.

Alfred Beit was the same age as Rhodes and, like him, unmarried.
He had been Rhodes's devoted and intimate friend since the time
when, with Barnato, they had formed the De Beers diamond trust.
His imaginative and daring nature had often been fired to tangible
response by Rhodes's glowing enthusiasm for the advancement of
Africa. For example, Beit had been prodigal in support of the
Chartered Company. Courageous as he was, however, his actions
were usually tempered with forethought and wisdom. Jameson
died a poor man; Sir Alfred Beit, as he later became for his philan-
thropies, amassed one of the great fortunes of the world.

Almost my first action on reaching London was to call on Beit.
It was late in the morning and he suggested that we drive to the
Savoy for luncheon. I plunged into the subject immediately and
asked Beit outright just what his objections were to the deep-level

DeepJevel Mining 297

scheme. He repeated the arguments of his engineers in Johannes-
burg, I had a conclusive answer ready for each- Just before we
arrived at the Savoy, which took us about twenty minutes, I asked
whether he still considered his objections valid.

He frankly replied, "I am now inclined to agree with your views."

Before the luncheon was over he was not only entirely converted,
but committed financially to the enterprise as well.

While I was in London, I followed out Rhodes's request to call on
Lord Rothschild, whom I had met several years before. I reminded
him that at our first meding he had asked me to let him know when
I should acquire any good mining property* I now told him about
the deep-level scheme, which I said certainly ought to interest him.

Lord Rothschild seemed more or less surprised, and remarked:
"You know, Mr. Hammond, that's a coincidence. Curiously enough,
on the recommendation of my chief mining expert, Hamilton Smith,
I've just sold out my interest in that project.*'

"Yes, of course," I replied. "I know that. As a matter of fact, Mr.
Rhodes's syndicate has purchased your interest. He'd like, however,
to give you a chance to come in again and I've come here to see
whether or not you care to change your mind about it,"

I went over one by one the arguments I had used on Beit until
Lord Rothschild was convinced he had made a mistake in selling
and, much to my satisfaction, agreed to buy in again.

As I look back, it seems almost inconceivable that there should
have been such a lack of faith in the deep-level enterprise. The
particular objection which seemed insuperable to both engineers
and investors was their belief that it was impossible to sink shafts
and mine ore profitably at the great depths contemplated in many
of the deep-level projects.

The history of the great Comstock Lode in Nevada was cited as
a case in point. My opponents stated that the heat encountered at a
depth of thirty-five hundred feet had compelled the abandonment
of the mine. Again and again I had to explain the fact that the
Comstock was situated in a district of recent solfataric action; that
many hot springs had been tapped long before any real depth was
reached, and that consequently at only a short distance below the
surface the heat became intense Oa the other hand, I believed that

298 Tke AutoLiograpky of Jonn Hays Hammond

this geothermal gradient, as it is called, would be found exceptionally
low on the Rand. This eventually proved to be true. The increase
in temperature has not been more than five degrees for every thou-
sand feet of depth.

I knew that if I was to convince hardened skeptics I must have
concrete facts with which to back up my theory. Therefore, I made
a special trip to Pribram, one of the famous silver-lead mining dis-
tricts in Bohemia (now Czechoslovakia) which had been worked for
several hundred years. I returned from Pf ibram to London just in
time to deliver an address in Cannon Street Hall on deep-level min-
ing, to a group of moneyed men interested in mining. In order
to get a dramatic effect, I said: <r Will someone please open a win-
dow! I find it very stuffy here compared with the cool temperature
I found at the bottom of the mine in Pf ibram, thirty-six hundred
feet down." I saicf further that, while it was true it had taken a
hundred years or more to sink the shafts at Pribram, I felt sure that
by using modern methods of shaft sinking, we could reach as great
a depth in South Africa in not more than five years.

It was essential to secure the support of the stockholders dealing
in the Kaffir market. After many meetings with the heads of these
firms I devised a plan which helped materially to convince mining
investors of the attractiveness of deep-level shares. I made diagrams
which indicated clearly the number of claims being mined on the
outcrop areas. I showed that the yield per claim averaged two hun-
dred and fifty thousand dollars, with a profit of about ninety thou-
sand dollars.

On the same diagrams, immediately below the skeleton drawings
of outcrop companies, I outlined on, a proportionate scale the deep-
level companies. In size the latter were eight or ten times as large
as the former. The diagram not only included the estimates I had
made of the cost to sink shafts to reach the reefs, but also showed
the time required and the comparatively enhanced costs of mining
upon the deep-level areas. These diagrams were then hung with my
compliments in the offices of stockbrokers dealing in South African
shares.

In fact, I developed into what would now be regarded a high-
pressure salesman and as my confidence perhaps I ought to say

Deep-level Mining 299

temerity increased I was emboldened to assert that within a few
years the cost of deep-level mining would not exceed that of the out-
crop companies owing to better equipment, more efficient methods,
and cheaper dynamite, coal, and other mining supplies. These pre-
dictions have been fully realized; at present mining is actually
carried on at a depth of eighty-five hundred feet at a cost less than
that of the outcrop properties in 1894.

During 1897 1 spent considerable time in Paris trying to secure the
financial co-operation of French capital for the further development
of the South African deep-level mines. South African mining shares
were then extensively dealt in on the Paris Bourse. I frankly told
the French financiers that they were making the mistake of being
followers, instead of leaders, in mining enterprises. I showed them
how they had been taking a lot of skimmed milk from British mine
promoters after the cream of the profits had already been removed.
I pointed out to them that they now had an unusual opportunity
to get some cream. By dint of hard work I finally established an
important clientele in Paris, who invested in the deep levels.

Twenty-five years later one of the secretaries of the American
Embassy in Paris started to introduce me to President Doumergue,
when the president interrupted. "Why, Mr. Hammond doesn't need
any introduction to me." He then informed me that he was present
when I delivered one of my addresses in Paris in 1897. Acting on
my recommendation, he had made money by investing in the deep-
level mines of the Rand.

As soon as sufficient capital was available, we started sinking shafts
in the deep-level areas. To prevent loss of time, we decided to start
at once the erection of the stamp mills and appurtenant plants where
the ore was to be treated. Each of these mills, the largest of their
type at the time, cost several hundred thousand dollars. We had
to incur the expenditure of many millions of dollars in the develop-
ment of the deep-level properties before we recovered an ounce of
gold. It was, therefore, most important to sink our shafts with the
greatest possible speed so that the stockholders could have quicker
returns on their investments, and the time element obviously was
the "essence of the contract.*'

When we started sinking shafts, we found we could get down

300 Tne Autobiography of Jonn Hays Hammond

only about seventy or eighty feet a month. This was not fast enough.
I sent one of my assistants to the United States to bring back the
best shaft sinkers he could find, regardless of wages. He combed
the Comstock district of Nevada, where shafts had been sunk to a
depth of thirty-four hundred feet, and also the Lake Superior district,
where an even greater depth had been attained. He proudly returned
with a hand-picked crew.

Although these expert shaft sinkers did speed up operations con-
siderably and were making records, their achievement fell short of
my desire.

When I had exhausted the capacity of the practical shaft sinkers,
I sent for Leslie Simpson, a young man on my staff who had recently
graduated from the University of California. I told him that I in-
tended to put him in charge of the sinking of our deep shafts.
Modestly he said, "I have never had any experience in shaft sinking."

"It is for that very reason I want you," I replied, "as you have no
preconceived ideas. You are not bound by traditions or established
rules. My paramount object is speed regardless of cost. I want you
to spend a month or more in ascertaining the amount of time con-
sumed in the different operations of shaft sinking and to eliminate
every possible loss of time."

It was a question of combining clear thinking with hard work.
Fortunately Simpson possessed a good supply of brains and un-
bounded willingness to work. He started and soon established world
records. We offered a monthly monetary prize to the crew that
would set a new goal and this spurred them to extraordinary efforts.

One of the first of these mines we developed was the Robinson
Deep. I had estimated that we would strike the reef on a certain
date at about eighteen hundred feet. We did strike it within a
few feet of that depth and within a few days of the time I had set.

Deep-level mining received a great impetus from this "remark-
able" guess while I gained an unearned reputation as a prophet,
which caused me considerable embarrassment in meeting my con-
freres. I had to disclaim any responsibility for the extravagant state-
ments of those who were not so careful in promoting my reputation
as they were overzealous in disposing of deep-level mining shares.
As a matter of fact, the record does justify my prophecy as to deep-

Deep-level Mining 301

level mining. In reviewing the yield of gold obtained from the
Robinson Deep during the past thirty-two years, I find that about
eight million fine ounces have been produced, valued at about a
hundred and sixty million dollars, from which dividends of approxi-
mately a million dollars a year have been paid. The incentive to
deep-level mining which was furnished by the success of the Robin-
son Deep is obvious. Other deep-level mines of the Rand have like-
wise produced many millions of dollars in gold. If it had not been
for this type of mining, the gold output of the Rand would have
already fallen off greatly.

A large part of the world's gold production in recent years has
come from the deep-level mines. The Robinson Deep is now operat-
ing profitably at a vertical depth of about a mile and a half (8500
feet) or a distance of three miles following the dip of the ore bodies.
It is probably the deepest mine on record, though both the Morro
Velho gold mine of Brazil, which has been worked for a century, and
the Champion Reef Mine at Mysore, India, have reached almost
an equal depth.

Operations at such a depth are becoming costly. How much deeper
mining will ultimately be carried is a matter of conjecture; it will
depend chiefly on whether the grade of ore justifies the inevitable
increase in cost. At present certain factors are decisive in determin-
ing how deep mining shafts may be driven.

One important obstacle is the tremendous pressure of the super-
incumbent ground. Just as in the case of fluids, the tendency for
the rock at the bottom is to fill in the excavations. This phenome-
non causes frequent accidents. The cost of supporting the ground
is great; indeed, it exceeds the present cost of ventilation. In the
workings of the deep levels the miners have gone so far into the
earth that they toil in temperatures of between 100 and 120
Fahrenheit with a relative humidity of from 90 to 100 per cent.
This causes many fatal cases of heatstroke. The excessive humidity
arises partly from water seepage into the mine shafts and workings.
It is partly due also to the mandatory wetting down of the mine walls
following every blasting or drilling operation which must be done
in order to prevent silicosis, which would cause many deaths among
the miners.

302 Tne Autooiograpty of Joun Hays Hammond

The Robinson Deep is now installing the greatest air-conditioning
plant in the world (the Carrier system) to overcome these obstacles.
The cages which carry the miners down to the workings move at a
speed of two thousand feet per minute, or twice as fast as the express
elevators in New York's tallest skyscraper.

That my prognostications were not entirely baseless is shown by
the following appreciative article which appeared in South Africa,
April 8, 1899:

Turning to Mr. Hammond's experimental researches
on the Witwatersrand, it may be said that his greatest
and most lasting work there has been accomplished in
connection with the deep levels. Mr. Hammond was
one of the first to declare his unqualified belief in them
as payable propositions. He urged all along that they
presented no serious engineering difficulties.

It was here that his American experience came to his
aid. He knew that in America miners thought nothing
of working at a depth of five thousand feet. Of course,
everything in Cousin Jonathan's country is arranged on
a scale calculated to "lick creation." Its trees, its moun-
tains, its houses, and its stories especially its stories
are all exceedingly tall. By analogy, then, one would
expect its mines to be abnormally deep.

But, although Mr. Hammond is a patriot, and there-
fore partial to things American, he has a frank admira-
tion for John Bull, who in spite of his natural limita-
tions, has managed to put in a good deal of "tall" work
in the way of empire-building. Mr. Hammond has,
therefore, never doubted that with British capital and
British labour deep level mining would prove as suc-
cessful on the Rand as it has done in America. Mr.
Hammond, like Mr. Rhodes, believes in laying the foun-
dations of empire deep as well as broad. If he makes
them firm and sure at a depth of five thousand feet,
that will be quite enough for the next few generations
to build upon.

Deep-level Mining 503

It is now four years ago since Mr. Hammond declared
that investors and speculators had no cause to fear over-
inflation in the prices of deep levels, which would ulti-
mately reach much higher figures than those then
ruling. Such an opinion, expressed by an expert who
was notoriously conservative in his estimates and well-
nigh insusceptible of enthusiasm, was worth a good
deal, and we know now how thoroughly justified it
was.

Fortunately, there were no difficult problems in the extraction
and metallurgy of the ore. The gold ores of the Rand, with an
average value of ten dollars per ton, are what are called free-milling;
sixty per cent of the gold contents are obtained by simple amalga-
mation processes- The remainder contained in the pyrites associated
with the gold passes into settling tanks, from which the gold con-
tents is leached by cyanide solutions. The MacArthur-Forrest cya-
nide process had just been invented at the commencement of mining
operations on the Rand. It was notably through the skill of Charles
A. Butters, of California, and Dr. A. von Gernet, a Russian metal-
lurgist, that this process was perfected and came into commercial use.

It was of great economic advantage to the Rand mining industry
that, compared with other mining districts, but little lumber was
required for timbering operations. Timber in South Africa was
scarce and expensive; it had to be imported, principally from America
and Australia. Almost no timber is used in the deep mines to prevent
caving. Tailings, or refuse from the crushed rock, are lowered into
the workings and used as filling. These may be supplemented by
waste rock or reinforced by concrete pillars.

The conglomerate reefs, as they are called, flatten considerably
as they approach the bottom of the syncline, or basin. These bankets
are remarkably persistent, though their continuity is often inter-
rupted. Certain sections are much richer than others. The grade
of the ore has, however, been surprisingly well maintained in depth.
Although the mill records at times show an apparent depreciation
of the gold content of the reef, this feature is often to be ascribed to
the fact that working on a large scale has made it profitable to mine

3Q4 -The Autobiography of Joim Hays Hammond

and mill ores of a grade that otherwise would be left in the mine.

One of the difficult problems of the mining companies on the
Rand was to secure adequate labor. Although there was always
sufficient white skilled labor, there has been usually an inadequate
supply of Kaffirs for both surface work and mining.

In 1898 there were employed upon the Rand 9746 whites and
88,627 Kaffirs. Today the gold mines of the Transvaal employ
about 216,000 natives and 30,000 whites. The Kaffirs were largely
Basuto, Zulu, Shangani, and Zambesi boys. Like house servants in
China, regardless of their age these Kaffirs are called "boys." Some
of these Kaffirs were recruited many hundreds of miles away. Since
many came from the low "hot countries," they suffered greatly when
they reached the colder altitudes of the Rand. Hundreds died on
their march to Johannesburg, from pneumonia and other causes.
When the boys finally arrived, always in an emaciated state, they
had to be placed in the company's compound and conditioned for
a month or more before they were fit to work.

Furthermore, they were of little practical use until they had
learned the mechanics of mining, which required at least several
months of experience. After remaining at the mines for one, two,
or three years, many of them became proficient. They received an
average monthly wage of about ten dollars in addition to their board
and lodging. The thrifty ones soon acquired a competence. These
returned to their homes with sufficient money to purchase cattle,
and with these, in turn, they bought healthy wives. This enabled
them to join the idle rich and to live off the labor of their help-
mates, who tended the catde and cultivated the fields.

In order to ensure a permanent supply of efficient miners, I sug-
gested to Rhodes that we establish native villages near the mines,
where boys could live with their wives and families. The mining
companies were to provide them with huts and small farms on which
to raise chickens, hogs, cattle, and vegetables to help support them-
selves.

I also thought it a good plan to attempt the civilizing of the wives
so that their increasing wants would impose upon their husbands
the necessity of continuous work, paralleling in that respect the
duty of husbands in civilized communities. This scheme never met

Deep-level Mining 305

with the approval of the mine owners and has not been carried out.
The plan I suggested to Rhodes would have been advantageous
as it would have ensured the expenditure of the wages in the country.
Later when labor supply became insufficient an unsuccessful at-
tempt was made to employ Chinese coolies.

As laborers, the Kaffirs are not only tractable, they are a fun-loving
lot. They have a strong sense of justice. In our competition to
secure labor we employed two brothers as compound managers.
They were colonial-born, descended from a well-known English
family, and spoke several of the Kaffir languages perfectly. The
natives were much attached to these two, whom they called in their
language The Just.

It was frequently necessary to resort to flogging to maintain order
among the boys in the compounds. Afterwards the natives would
come to the managers and thank them, as a dog crawls to lick the
hand of its master after a deserved whipping. Because of this reputa-
tion of our compound managers for fair dealing, our companies had
an advantage over others; boys coming a distance of several hundred
miles would voluntarily apply for jobs with us.

Our difficulties were greatly aggravated by the incessant drunken-
ness of our Kaffir workmen. This was due to the right of the liquor
monopoly granted by Kruger to certain of his friends. This liquor
syndicate had the sole privilege to sell "Cape Smoke," a particularly
pernicious form of alcohol. They could sell the liquor even within
our compound. The boys often reported for work in a shockingly
intoxicated condition, sometimes so helpless that they fell from the
cages and were horribly mangled and killed.

We were also compelled, for the sake of filling the pockets of
Kruger and his friends, to purchase our dynamite from a firm to
which he had granted a monopoly. The price was excessive, but
far worse than that was the fact that the quality was so poor that
premature explosions were frequent and, consequently, many
fatalities occurred.

Our protests to Kruger against both these outrages were con-
sistently ignored and for this reason we held Kirn directly responsible
for the many unnecessary deaths.

Kruger realized that there would be an important mining develop-

306 Ike Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

ment in Rhodesia following my favorable report. Coincidentally
came my equally favorable report on the deep-level enterprise, which
would largely expand the mining industry of the Rand. This he
knew would result in the influx of many thousands of the British
he so ardently detested, and who would inevitably constitute a
menace to the Boer oligarchy. These conditions not unnaturally
created on Kruger's part a genuine and, under the circumstances, a
not unreasonable apprehension for the safety of his regime.

Cecil Rhodes, from the time of his first arrival in Africa, had at-
tempted to extend the borders of British territory. He had been
successful to a certain degree. Kruger's object now was to frustrate
this ambition of Rhodes by enlarging the territory of the Transvaal.
Through force of circumstances, these two dominant personalities
were about to engage in a warfare as bitter as it was inevitable.
Across the Orange and Vaal rivers Kruger's oxcarts stood square in
the path of Rhodes's advance towards his "North."

CHAPTER SEVENTEEN

Tke Reform IVlovement

WHICH RIDER IN THE SADDLE? A PICTURE OP
OOM PAUL DR. LEYDS AS AN EVIL GENIUS THE
UITLANDERS ARE INVITED TO THE TRANSVAAL
THE GRIEVANCES THE BROWN CASE CLOSING
THE DRIFTS WE PLAN TO REVOLT MUSTERING
FORCES ON THE BORDER A LETTER TO JAME-
SON GUNRUNNING EARTHQUAKE WEATHER

.he most dramatic and critical
^ period of my life was ushered
in by the autumn of 1895. Two years had passed since my arrival
in South Africa. Six months of that time I had spent with Barnato,
two months on the trip to Mashonaland with Rhodes. In addition,
I had made a visit to London and had been to Groote Schuur for an
occasional conference with Rhodes. The major part of my attention,
however, had been directed towards the management of the Consoli-
dated Gold Fields Company, and I was particularly concerned with
the technical details of the new deep-level mines.

Little of my time had been devoted to politics. I had listened to
the discussions going on about me and had quickly become cognizant
of the Uitlander grievances they were the inevitable topic of con-
versation at every dinner table. I was sympathetic, of course, but not
actively interested.

On many occasions I did go so far as to say that the law-abiding
miners from England were enduring ill-treatment from Kruger's

307

308 The Autobiography of John Hays Hammond

government that the men I had known out West in America would
never have tolerated.

Only when the Boer policy directly affected the running of the
mines under my management was I forced into political opposition.
It became gradually obvious to me that if the Boer policy were not
radically changed a conflict was inevitable.

About this time General "Slim" (Sly) Piet Joubert, later com-
mander of the Transvaal forces in the Boer War, put the problem
to me nicely.

'There are two riders but only one horse in the Transvaal/* he
said. "The question is, which rider is going to sit in front the
Uitlander or the Boer?"

"General," I replied, "we Uitlanders are paying nine-tenths of the
cost of the horse and nine-tenths of his upkeep as well. I think we
ought to be in the saddle."

Joubert shook his head gloomily and turned away. As the leader
of the liberal party among the Boers, he meant well towards the
Uitlanders, but his sympathies were not strong enough to carry him
to the point of acting directly against the Kruger faction. Neverthe-
less, he had summed up the situation concisely: two opposite ideals
were confronting each other.

Before the Jameson Raid the Boers were by no means united
behind Kruger. From many talks I gained the impression that the
younger Boers, at least, thought reform essential. Deputations of
prominent young Boers had on various occasions warned Kruger
that their understanding of the justice of the Uitlander position was
such that they could take no active part in any trouble that might
come up in Johannesburg.

In the liberal party, led by General Joubert, were Louis Botha and
many others who attained political distinction during and after the
Boer War. There was little love lost between the Kruger and Jou-
bert parries; indeed, the controversies sometimes waxed intense.

Many of the Boers themselves alleged that, at the presidential
election of 1888, Joubert had lost the presidency only because of
Kruger's lavish and unscrupulous use of the state's money at the
polls. Moreover, Kruger's illegal ousting of Joubert supporters from
the Volksraad was common knowledge.

Tke Reform Movement 309

The Joubert faction did not agree with Kruger's conviction that
the Uitlander was fit only for plundering. Chief Justice Kotzc,
himself a nonpartisan, told the burghers in October, 1894, that "No
one . . . will deny that the country is at present in a very critical
position. ... It depends entirely upon the people whether the
impending change is to take place peaceably or to be accompanied
by violence."

The Boer liberals (as well as the Uitlanders) had definite griev-
ances. They vigorously objected to the swarms of Hollanders and
Germans who were pouring into the country and filling the lucrative
offices. Governmental expenditures had been augmented from about
$750,000 in 1886 to upwards of $18,500,000 in 1896. The salaries paid
in 1896 amounted to about $150 per head per annum for the total
male Boer population. In defense of their position, the Kruger fol-
lowers ascribed the protests of their political opponents to the younger
and more liberal Boers' exclusion from these perquisites of office.

Additional bitterness among the anti-Kruger Boers was engen-
dered by the granting of monopolies to Hollanders and Germans.
Most influential of these foreign spoilsmen was the Java-born Dutch-
man, Dr. W. J. Leyds (Leijds), who ultimately became state secre-
tary and was known as Oom Paul's evil genius.

Leyds is accused of having once prevented Kruger from redressing
some of the Uitlander grievances at a time when the president was
influenced momentarily by the reform element among the Boers.
He accomplished his purpose by threatening to expose Kruger's past
financial indiscretions unless the spoils system was continued for the
benefit of Leyds and his associates in the Netherlands Railway.

Another spoilsman was Eduard Lippert from Hamburg, who,
for his questionable services to Kruger, had been rewarded with the
dynamite monopoly. Ostensibly this had been done to foster a local
industry; actually, the dynamite was imported from abroad and sold
at a price sometimes as high as twice its former cost

The government of the Transvaal was in the hands of Stephanus
Johannes Paulus Kruger, known to his own people and to the world
as Oom, or Uncle, Paul.

He had been president of the South African Republic, commonly
known as the Transvaal, since 1883 and there was every probability

312 Tne Autobiography of Jonn Hays Hammond

landers; of the 65,000 Boers only 25,000 were males over sixteen.
There were almost two adult Uitlanders to every adult Boer*

Nearly all of the 750,000 native blacks were opposed to the govern-
ment, because of the harsh treatment they had always received at
the hands of the Boer. They were of no importance politically.

The Uitlanders held first place in the country not only numerically,
but also industrially and financially. They had purchased from the
Boers more than half the land in the Transvaal, and owned more
than nine-tenths of the assessable property.

The Transvaal was on the verge of bankruptcy* Furthermore, its
inhabitants were constantly jeopardized by native wars- With the
anticipated increase of man power through an influx of Uitlanders
and with the wealth they could produce, Kruger knew he could cope
successfully with these two emergencies provided he remained in
supreme political control

Having regained confidence after the recession of the economic
crisis and the native menace, Kruger reverted to his old policy of
"the Transvaal for the Boers." This attitude has been duplicated in
Latin America, China, and many other parts of the world* Foreign
capital has exploited the natural resources of these countries and
the native standard of living has been definitely raised by the wealth
produced. Although the natives themselves had never done any-
thing to realize on this wealth, they as well as their governments
have always resented bitterly that it should leave their country in
the form of profits to those who had taken the risk and performed
the labor. But in all his schemes for territorial acquisition Kruger
was blocked by one man Cecil John Rhodes,

Rhodes had become to Oom Paul the epitome of all things he
hated and distrusted. Again and again Rhodes tried to deal with
Kruger. Even on the return from our Matabeleland trip in 1894,
he stopped at Pretoria in a final effort to come to some sort of under-
standing as to the future of South Africa. Both men wanted a united
country, but each for his own purposes and for his own people.
The interview resulted in an impasse. This obstinate and obdurate
Boer was virtually the only man Rhodes was never able to win over.
Kruger's personal detestation of Rhodes was extended to include
almost all Uitlanders. His suspicion of us and of our motives was

Tke Reform JMovement 313

proof against all our attempts to attain what we considered our rights.
He listened to the respectful petitions of the Uitlanders with grunted
"JaV pulled at his pipe, and spat. Our spokesmen went away with
the feeling that they had been talking to a stone wall so impassive,
so unimpressed, so adamant was he to all appeal of reason.

The effect of this uncompromising attitude was to unite the
Uitlanders against a foe which threatened us all. In reality, we
Uitlanders had little in common; not only were we of different races
and languages, but so long as we were allowed social, political, and
economic justice, it seemed of slight importance to us at that time
whether the Vierkleur or the Union Jack waved over Johannesburg.
Prior to 1895 there had been several occasions on which friction
between Uitlander and Boer had reached the breaking point.
Kruger went to Johannesburg in 1890, on one of his annual visits
to the towns of the Transvaal. The Rand was in the midst of a
mining depression of great intensity. The president was cold and
far from tactful and his speech to the populace did not tend to calm
the undercurrent of rancor caused by his cavalier dismissal of the
petition which the Uitlanders had seized this opportunity to present.
That same evening the crowd became unruly, a riot ensued, and the
angry mob trampled the Boer flag underfoot. Kruger was so in-
censed that he did not return to Johannesburg for five years.

Kruger said to Sir Henry, later Lord, Loch, the high commissioner
of Cape Colony: "The Uitlanders remind me of a baboon I once
had, which was so fond of me that he would not let anyone touch
me. But one day we were sitting round the fire, and unfortunately
the beast's tail got into it. He flew at me furiously, dunking that
I was the cause of his accident The Johannesburghers are just like
that They have burnt their fingers in speculations and now they
want to revenge themselves on Paul Kruger."

During the early days of the Boer Republic, years before any
Uitlander problem, there had been a great deal of political unrest.
Kruger, as a member of the party then out of power, not only drew
up lists of grievances but committed acts which smacked far more of
revolution than anything ever done later by the Uitlanders in Johan-
nesburg*
I had the satisfaction afterwards when satisfaction was difficult

Tne Autobiograpliy of Jonn Hays [Hammond

to find of reminding Kruger that he himself had once been a rebel
and that he should now have some sympathy with such fellow rebels
as myself and my Johannesburg accomplices.

Since the Uitlanders had come primarily for business and not poli-
tical reasons, it was many years before they began to combine against
the Boer government. Such a revolt would never have been brought
about by injustices like the administration of the liquor and dyna-
mite monopolies in themselves. Nor would the sickness and the high
death rate resulting from lack of a clean water supply and adequate
sewerage system have been sufficient incentives for action.

It was the sum total of various irritations that fired the mounting
hostilities. Some individuals were activated by one set of grievances,
some by another. For example, there was the question of educa-
tion. Out of $310,000 allotted to Johannesburg for this purpose, less
than $4000 was used for the Uitlander children, although they
greatly outnumbered the Boer children and the Uitlander parents
supplied the money to build and support the schools. Moreover,
English was not taught in the schools. The Uitlander children had
to learn Taal, the debased form of Dutch used by the Boers,

One of the most outrageous grievances was the Boer assertion of
their right to draft Uitlanders for service in the native wars. More
than a hundred English subjects were commandeered by the Boers
for their expedition against the native chieftain Malaboch, and com-
pelled to provide their own horses and arms. The five men who re-
fused to obey the summons were imprisoned.

In June, 1894, plans were laid by the Uitlanders for their forcible
rescue. The British high commissioner visited Pretoria to discuss
the matter, and privately reported that the Uitlanders were so
aroused that, if he had not managed them tactfully, they would have
flared into revolution. Loch declined to mediate with the Boers.
But later he wrote Kruger that, unless the Uitlander grievances were
redressed, revolution was inevitable, and he concentrated an armed
British police force on the Bechuanaland border ready to protect tfoe
Uitlander if it came to bloodshed

Loch, at the same time informed the Colonial Office that in case
of an uprising, the Uitlanders were bound to win if they had rifles;
obviously they could not fight Boer marksmen with their fists,

COM PAUL (1825-1904)

PRETORIA, THE CAPITAL OF THE TRANSVAAL

Tke Reform .Movement 315

In conversation with Lionel Phillips at this time, Loch would
seem to have hinted at the desirability of obtaining arms to defend
Johannesburg pending British intervention. He subsequently de-
nied this interpretation of his remarks. He claimed he had simply
meant that without enough rifles to defend Johannesburg no revolu-
tion was possible. However that may have been, Phillips bought him-
self a rifle, and it was jocosely said that the policy of secretly arming
the Uitlanders really began with him-

Loch was far more vehement against the Boers than were the
Johannesburg mine owners. This is shown by the fact that after
the 1894 demonstration the Chamber of Mines disclaimed all violent
measures, and assured Kruger of its support.

The unequal administration of justice touched the community
even more closely than the commandeering of Uitlanders. No
Uitlander was assured of a fair trial in the courts. Kruger and his
Executive Council could bring such pressure to bear upon the Trans-
vaal Supreme Court that it bowed to his dictates. In 1897 the con-
dition became so scandalous that the Boer judges themselves closed
the court, declaring it was impossible to administer justice under the
coercion to which they were subjected by the executive branch of
the government

This is illustrated by the case of an American named Brown.
Brown had staked out mining claims in a district thrown open by
the government for pegging. Unfortunately, some of Kruger's of-
ficial family had been anxious to secure the same claims; hence, they
induced Kruger to declare Brown's locations illegal Brown, of
course, appealed to the Supreme Court for validation of his tide.
When the verdict was handed down in Brown's favor, Kruger dis-
missed the judges. He then had the Volksraad pass a law that court
-decisions were subject to revision by the Executive Council of the
Transvaal.

Although certain members of the court resigned in protest, it was,
nevertheless^ a heavy blow to the Uitlanders to find that this last
method o securing justice was closed to them because of the influence
of Kruger and his entourage,

Among the abuses greatest public prominence was given to the non-
possessioa o the franchise by the Uitlanders, Although we had

316 The AutoLiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

founded and built Johannesburg, we had no voice in its civic affairs.
The town was created as a mining camp under a mining commis-
sioner. Furthermore, the civil government denied to the Uitlander a
free press and right of public meetings. A Boer policeman could at
his own discretion disperse any crowd of more than seven*

Prior to 1882, only one year's residence or the possession of land
had been required of the immigrant or Uitlander for burgher privi-
leges. At that time the law was amended and five years' residence
was requisite, but the entries in the registration books were de-
liberately falsified by the Boer officials so that few were admitted to
the franchise. Then, in 1890, the requirement was increased to four-
teen years' residence; furthermore, the Uitlander must be thirty
years old, have property, and belong to a Protestant church in order
to vote. Every demand made on Kruger to grant the franchise was
steadfastly refused.

Pointing to the Vierkleur, he would say, "You see that flag? If I
grant the franchise, I may as well pull it down."

The Boers were by no means of one mind as to the justice or the
expediency of Kruger's policy regarding the franchise of the Uit-
landers. In 1895, thirty-five thousand Uitlandcrs signed a petition
asking for political representation. A prominent member of the
Volksraad named Jeppe addressed that body in a speech worthy of
Patrick Henry:

"This petition has been signed by practically the en-
tire population of the Rand. It contains the name of
the millionaire capitalist on the same page as that of the
miner; that of the owner of half a district next to that
of a clerk. It embraces also all nationalities. And it
bears, too, the signatures of some who have been born
in this country, who know no other fatherland than
this republic, but whom the law regards as strangers*
Then, too, there are the newcomers. They have set-
tled for good. They have built Johannesburg, one of
the wonders of the age. They own half the soil; they
pay at least three-quarters of the taxes. Nor are they
persons who belong to a subservient race. They come

The Reform JMovement 317

from countries where they freely exercise political rights,
which can never be long denied to free-born men. Dare
we refer them to the present law, which first expects
them to wait for fourteen years, and even then pledges
itself to nothing? It is a law which denies all rights
even to their children born in this country. What will
become of us or our children on the day when we shall
find ourselves in a minority or perhaps one in twenty,
without a single friend among the other nineteen,
among those who will then tell us they wished to be
brothers, but we by our own act made them strangers
in the republic? Old as the world is, has any attempt
like ours ever succeeded for long?"

Kruger always pretended to believe that the political grievances
were trumped up. He felt, and perhaps justly, that, if the Uitlanders
were given the franchise, they would vote for an Uitlander presi-
dent, or at least a progressive Boer of the anti-Kruger faction.

Many of us were on the Rand only temporarily. We were in-
creasingly busy with our own affairs. Consequently, any demands
for political rights on our part would have been unlikely had condi-
tions been tolerable. I believe Kruger was aware of this. But he had
established his way of doing things and he never believed sufficient
pressure could be brought to bear on him to compel a change.

Terrifically heavy taxation without representation was another
major grievance, illustrated by the case of the Netherlands Railway
Company. A monopoly was granted by Kruger for a line through
Portuguese territory to Delagoa Bay to connect the Transvaal with
the coast. His idea was to divert traffic from the British-controlled
roads approaching from the Cape and Natal He hated railroads,
but, since they appeared to be inevitable, he intended that at least
the Delagoa Bay line should not be British-owned. Hence, the Dutch
were given the majority of votes in a corporation shared among
Dutch, Germans, and Boers.

Not only was the cost of construction to be paid for by taxing
Uitlanders, but Kruger intended by coercive methods to compel all
freight entering the Transvaal to come in over the Netherlands Rail-

318 Tne Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

way; he wanted to cut our throats financially. He arranged that
mining shipments consigned to the Rand via the Cape and Natal
lines should be held back for months after arriving at the Transvaal
border. And he set up a tariff schedule so prohibitive as to make it
necessary for us to unload machinery and supplies at the railhead of
the Cape line, reload into oxcarts, and cross the Vaal River by fords,
or drifts, in Johannesburg. The Boers were enraged at our simple
expedient and threatened to close these drifts across the Vaal to all
freight of foreign origin.

When this situation developed and I informed Rhodes of the
state of affairs, he wired me to come to Cape Town for a conference.
On my arrival a private meeting of the leading political authorities
of the Cape government was held at Groote Schuur. I explained the
point of view of the Johannesburg mine operators. I showed how
handicapped we were in our operations, and how the success of the
whole mining industry was jeopardized by the actions of the Trans-
vaal government.

Only a few days later Kruger proclaimed the drifts closed as from
October, 1895.

Had not some action been taken, this would have been a heavy
blow to the mining industry because its aim was to force the mining
companies to submit to the extortionate freight tariff of the Nether-
lands Railway Company. But Kruger had overreached himself.

Since the Pretoria Convention of 1881 the Transvaal Republic and
the Orange Free State had led a practically independent existence
except for somewhat tenuous obligations to Great Britain included
under the term "suzerainty." In closing the drifts Kruger had
placed himself in an untenable position in respect to his treaty pro-
visions. Cape Colony the inhabitants of which, both Cape Dutch
and English, were as one on this issue decided to appeal to the
home government for assistance, and pledged its support with men
and money if England would enforce her treaty rights.

After careful consideration, the British government informed

Kruger that the drifts must be reopened and allowed to remain open.

Kruger had some of the attributes of a clever diplomat. Once

fairly caught, no false pride prevented him from yielding. He was

like a poker player who, when he has a weak hand, bluffs, but is

The Reform Movement 319

careful not to carry his bluff too far lest it prove costly. Kruger re-
scinded his order.

The Reform Movement, as I have explained, had been tardy in
inception and was slow to gather momentum. It had begun with
conversation, was continued in press discussion, and was protracted
by fruitless deputations to Pretoria.

Protests were being made through two bodies. The first was the
Transvaal National Union, of which Charles Leonard was chair-
man.^ Although more vocal than influential, it had long been
carrying on agitation for constitutional rights and had issued much
literature in behalf of the unenfranchised.

The second body of protest was the? Chamber of Mines, composed
of influential businessmen. Although Kruger never granted a
charter of incorporation, it met frequently for business reasons and
often presented statements of abuses and grievances to the Volksraad.
The Reform Movement as a whole was Fascist rather than Bolshe-
vik in its nature. Direct action was finally undertaken by a group
of hard-headed, successful, conservative men of affairs, not by hot-
headed, irresponsible radicals. It was the moneyed element in the
revolt that finally assumed the leadership. But it was not until the
late summer of 1895 that we of the mining interests actively ass<
ciated ourselves with the movement Only as a last resort will
men representing vested interests risk property and life by entering
into a revolution in behalf of good government.

Enemies of the Reform Movement tried to create the impression
abroad that the revolt was fostered with the idea of securing control
of the mining interests of the Transvaal for Rhodes's Chartered Com-
pany.^ This preposterous conception was not effectually combated
until it was seen that the ownership of the mines was in no wise
affected by the outcome of the Boer War four years later.

Nevertheless, the drifts episode had showed conclusively that
there was no more to be gained by simple protestations. More-
over, the support of the British government had heartened us tre-
mendously. The indignant conversations began to concern them-
selves more and more with possible action.

There was no definite plan at first, but certain of us gradually
assumed leadership; Charles Leonard, the head of the National

320 The Autobiography of Jonn Hays Hammond

Union; Lionel Phillips, a partner in Wernher, Beit and Company;
Colonel Francis W. ("Frank") Rhodes, an officer with distinguished
military record, and brother of Cecil Rhodes; George Farrar, an
important mine owner; and myself.

My entry into the movement was due to the long-continued and
exasperating series of government regulations which jeopardized
the successful operation of the mines. I could not carry on my work
efficiently, and I felt a heavy responsibility towards the people who
had invested large sums on my professional recommendation.

Through this informal group, all arrangements were made. We
selected men in whom we had complete confidence, were willing to
assume risks, and whose co-operation we regarded as essential* Be-
cause of its failure our project may seem foolhardy now, but we who
were in charge of the enterprise were not of a type likely to commit
ourselves to forlorn hopes.

The skeleton of a plan began to develop as follows: First, money
would have to be obtained with which to finance the movement;
second, the support of Rhodes would be necessary, because he, as
head o the Cape government, would have it in his power to make
it succeed or fail; third, British recognition would have to be ob-
tained should the necessity arise; fourth, an armed force would
have to come to the aid of the Johannesburghers when and if the
revolt started. The smuggling in of guns, the choosing of trust-
worthy adherents, and the formulating of a code of communications
were included within the activity of those who later became the
recognized leaders of the Reform Movement.

Historians have frequently asked to what extent Rhodes partici-
pated in this affair. He has been charged with inspiring the move-
ment in the interest of Great Britain. I can categorically deny this
accusation, which was largely the result of Boer propaganda, paid
for by Uitlander taxes. The part he played in the revolt was chiefly
financial, though he was unquestionably an important factor in our
plans.

An account was opened in the books of the Chartered Company,
headed New Concessions, on which Colonel Frank Rhodes was
entitled to draw. Of the $300,000 used before the account was finally
closed, almost $100,000 was handed over to Dn H. A. Wolff for stores

Tne Reform Atovement 521

and supplies. The major part of the balance was put in an account
in the Standard Bank of South Africa, at Johannesburg, under the
head of Development Syndicate* This stood in the names of Colonel
Frank Rhodes, Lionel Phillips, J. Percy Fitzpatrick, and myself.
There was also an account at the Standard Bank at Mafeking, and,
finally, the Pitsani Camp Account on the books of the Chartered
Company out of which the immediate expenses of the armed force
on the border were to be paid.

In addition to this financial assistance, the Chartered Company
furnished personal aid through its agents and employees.

Everyone will admit that Rhodes was in a difficult position. As
premier of the Cape Colony, he was forced to rely on the support
of the Cape Dutch who would have been instantly alienated by
anything that bore the earmarks of a British attack on Boer inde-
pendence. He was endangering his position as the most enterprising
and constructive force in the development of South Africa.

Rhodes had, of course, a large vested interest in the Rand mines.
The minor persecutions to which we were subject naturally reacted
on him, but he was also aiming at a political goal. Although he
saw no practicable way to paint the map of the Transvaal British
red, he did see hope for a customs union, a railroad convention, and
an ultimate confederation of autonomous states. This would have
been part and parcel of his Cape-to-Cairo dream in which he saw
Boer and Briton working together toward the same end. The sus-
picious stubbornness of Kruger had hitherto effectually blocked any
inclusion of the Boer republics in the Rhodes march north.

Another impelling reason for Rhodes's co-operation was the fact,
now universally conceded, that Kruger, through his Machiavellian
state secretary, Dr. Leyds, was intriguing actively with Germany
and Holland to make their influence dominant in the Transvaal*
In spite of Boer hostility to the British, I doubt whether the Boers
would long have endured other foreign dominance. They were not
psychologically inclined for the role of a subject people. The very
essence of the Boer was his individuality; he was not the type to
submit to the goose-step tyranny of Germany.

Rhodes's financial and political support alone was not sufficient
for the success of our plan. It was recognized that Great Britain's

322 Xke AutoLiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

attitude would be decisive. If the revolt should be proved to be spon-
taneously generated from within, we believed Great Britain would
be bound to intervene and support our just complaints.

In the summer of 1895 came the retirement of Loch, whose rela-
tions with Rhodes had become extremely tense. Rhodes asked for
the reappointment of Sir Hercules Robinson, whose experience with
South African affairs had been long and intimate, but this did
not prove a happy choice. In the past Robinson and Rhodes had
worked together to conciliate the Cape Dutch. He was now not
likely to do anything to weaken his position with them. Moreover,
as he was a man of seventy and set in his ways, he found it difficult
to follow Rhodes's sudden shifts in political strategy.

The question of whether Joseph Chamberlain, British colonial
secretary, knew of the Uitlander plans at the time is largely academic.
But we believed that once the lives and possessions of British citizens
were in jeopardy, we could force the home government to support us*
Through Rhodes we made contact with Dr. Leander Starr Jame-
son at Bulawayo for military assistance. The name of Jameson was
then one to conjure with. The Boers themselves had a high opinion
of the administrator of Rhodesia's military powers, due to his able
handling of the Matabele War. His inclusion in the scheme woul^
not injure our case with Great Britain, because he would come as a
last resort to prevent bloodshed, and not to lead a revolt,

Jameson's role was to be secondary. He was to take a position
on the Transvaal border at Pitsani in the English protectorate of
Bechuanaland, a hundred and eighty miles west from Johannesburg.
He was to concentrate there a force of fifteen hundred men, all
mounted, fully trained, and equipped with field pieces and machine
guns. Each man was to bring a spare rifle to arm us in Johannes-
burg. The reason to be given out for his presence was the necessity
for a show of force to overawe the restive natives.

It was distinctly understood that Jameson was not to move from
Pitsani until he had received word, not only from other leaders of
the movement, but from me personally. In the presence of Rhodes,
Jamesoa and I shook hands as a solemn pledge that he would not
cross -the border until I gave him the signal Rhodes had told him to
remain at Pitsani for six months if the Reformers should need that

Tne Reform JVlovement 523

amount of time for preparations. As Rhodes tersely remarked,
"The only justification for revolution is success."

Jameson came twice to Johannesburg to make personal arrange-
ments. His first visit was in September, 1895, We thought then that
we could muster nine thousand capable men in Johannesburg when
the time for revolt should come.

His second visit was in November. At that time he was given a
letter drafted and signed by Leonard, Colonel Rhodes, Phillips,
Farrar, and myself. It was to be for his own protection, and was to
justify his incursion in the eyes of the world* It read as follows:

Johannesburg
Dear Sir,

The position of matters in this State has become so
critical that we are assured that at no distant period there
will be a conflict between the Government and the
Uitlander population. It is scarcely necessary for us to
recapitulate what is now matter of history; suffice it to
say that the position of thousands of Englishmen and
others is rapidly becoming intolerable. Not satisfied
with making the Uitlander population pay virtually the
whole of the revenue of the country while denying them
representation, the policy of the Government has been
steadily to encroach upon the liberty of the subject, and
to undermine the security for property to such an extent
as to cause a very deep-seated sense of discontent and
danger, A foreign corporation of Hollanders is to a
considerable extent controlling our destinies, and in con-
junction with the Boer leaders endeavouring to cast
them in a mould which is wholly foreign to the genius
of the people. Every public act betrays the most posi-
tive hostility, not only to everything English, but to the
neighbouring States.

Well in short the internal policy of the Government is
such as to have roused into antagonism to it, not only
practically the whole body of Uidanders but a large
number of the Boers; while its external policy has exas-
perated the neighbouring States, causing the possibility

324 Tne Autooiograpky of Jolm Hays Hammond

of great danger to the peace and independence of this
Republic. Public feeling is in a condition of smoulder-
ing discontent. All the petitions of the people have
been refused with a greater or less degree of contempt;
and in. the debate on the Franchise petition, signed by
nearly 40,000 people, one member challenged the Uit-
landers to fight for the rights they asked for, and not
a single member spoke against him. Not to go into de-
tails, we may say that the Government has called into
existence all the elements necessary for armed conflict.
The one desire of the people here is for fair play, the
maintenance of their independence, and the preservation
of those public liberties without which life is not worth
living. The Government denies these things, and vio-
lates the national sense of Englishmen at every turn.

What we have to consider is, What will be the condi-
tion of things here in the event of a conflict ? Thousands
of unarmed men, women, and children of our race will
be at the mercy of well-armed Boers, while property
of enormous value will be in the greatest peril. We can-
not contemplate the future without the gravest appre-
hensions. All feel that we are justified in taking any
steps to prevent the shedding of blood, and to insure
the protection of our rights.

It is under these circumstances that we feel con-
strained to call upon you to come to our aid, should a
disturbance arise here. The circumstances are so ex-
treme that we cannot but believe that you and the men
under you will not fail to come to the rescue of people
who will be so situated. We guarantee any expense that
may reasonably be incurred by you in helping us, and
ask you to believe that nothing but the sternest neces-
sity has prompted this appeal.

CHARLES LEONARD
LIONEL PHILLIPS
FRANCIS RHODES
JOHN HAYS HAMMOND
GEORGE FARRAR.

Tke Reform JMovement 325

The date was purposely omitted on the understanding that it
should be filled in only if and when the Reform leaders should
call on Jameson to come to their rescue.

Meanwhile, hope for a peaceful solution had not been abandoned.
Kruger continued to look with suspicion on every overture, however
friendly. When he was finally persuaded to visit Johannesburg
again to open the first agricultural show, five years after the episode
of 1890, he regarded our demonstrations of welcome as absolutely
insincere and again maintained his distant attitude.

Deputation after deputation from Johannesburg put its case
strenuously, and at length he brought the interview to a close by
saying, "If you want your rights, why don't you fight for them?"

When Kruger's challenge reached my ears, I said, "That's aline
idea."

As one of the German Reformers put it, "This is the last straw that
broke the camel's back that killed the goose that laid the golden egg"
Many doubters were now convinced that we must arm. This did
not necessarily mean revolution. Conceivably, if we had gone back
to Kruger, after securing the guns, and then demanded reforms,
declaring our intention to fight unless they were effected, reforms
would have been conceded. This may have been Loch's idea in 1894.
We had no legal right to possess arms without a Boer permit but a
burgher could possess an arsenal if he so desired. Much apprehen-
sion had been aroused among us because a fort was being built on
the hill commanding Johannesburg. The Boers might even bom-
bard the town, as they had frequently threatened to do. Moreover,
there were rumors that German military instructors and German
arms were coming to their help.

We wanted to take action before the Boers had time to add to their
present armament. We dared not wait until they were fully equipped
to put down an uprising.

We had no difficulty in importing guns and ammunition from
England and transporting them as far as Kimberley. There they
were received by Gardner Williams, the American mining engineer
in charge of the De Beers diamond properties. To get them from
Kimberley to Johannesburg was a far more difficult matter to arrange,

326 Tke AutotiograpLy of Jokn Hays Hammond

It not only involved the great risk of seven years' imprisonment
for smuggling guns, but must inevitably take considerable time.

We finally devised a system which worked successfully but slowly.
Williams, assisted by men he could trust, loaded the guns and am-
munition into empty Standard Oil drums. Each of these was pro-
vided with a false bottom and contained enough oil so that, if the
spigot should be turned by the customs inspectors, a convincing
trickle would follow. They were consigned to me at Johannesburg.

There were some exciting moments in connection with this gun-
running. I was accustomed to ride with Colonel Rhodes every day
before breakfast. One morning I heard the fast gallop of his horse.
He threw the reins to the Kaffir boy who was holding my horse
ready saddled, hurried into the house and thrust into my hands
a copy of the Standard and Digger News.

"Look at this, Jack!"

He had it open at the story which described a collision between two
trains at De Aar. One of these trains carried a shipment of guns
from Kimberley. We realized that some of the drums might have
been torn open in the collision and their true contents revealed.

"Jack," said Frank Rhodes, "you and I have the fastest horses in
this part of the country. If necessary we can make a bolt for Natal
where we'll be out of danger of extradition. We could even go on
to Rhodesia, where we'd be absolutely safe."

We rode directly to town and left our horses discreetly around
the corner from my office. We were greatly relieved to find a tele-
gram from Captain Harry Holden, whose duty it was to keep me
informed of the progress of the oil drums in transit.

THERE HAS BEEN A COLLISION ON THE ROAD BETWEEN
TWO TRAINS ON ONE OF WHICH ARE SOME OP OUR FRIENDS
BUT THEY ARE ENTIRELY UNINJURED AND WILL ARRIVE AT
JOHANNESBURG TOMORROW BE SURE TO SECURE PROPER
HOTEL ACCOMMODATIONS FOR THEM.

All our messages were transmitted in such improvised codes.
The usual notification of the despatch of a consignment of guns was

AM SENDING YOU A DIAMOND FULL OF FIRE.

The Reform .Movement 327

Dr. Harris was known as Cactus; Colonel Rhodes, Toad; Jame-
son, Zahlbar; Rhodes, Umbegangen; Leonard, Zampilio; and Jo-
hannesburg, Giovano.

Without any attempt at secrecy, I had the Standard Oil drums con-
taining the guns stored at the different mining properties. In spite
of all we could do, however, the rifles came in all too slowly much
more slowly than we had expected. If there was to be a revolt, we
had to obtain rifles in far greater quantities.

It had occurred to us that the Boer arsenal at Pretoria, only a little
over thirty miles away and the key to any Boer defense, could be taken
by a sudden surprise attack. About 15,000 Martini rifles, ammuni-
tion for them, and three or four Maxims were stored there. These
arms were kept in several galvanized iron buildings surrounded by
a weak brick wall, one side of which was then being rebuilt. Although
during the day there were about a hundred artillerymen on guard,
after ten o'clock at night all but a few were sure to be sound asleep.
By timing our attack properly, we would capture as many guns as
we could carry away on wagons. The rest we would put out of
commission.

I had obtained a lease of property just outside Pretoria, ostensibly
for prospecting purposes. There I assembled fif ty hard-boiled Amer-
icans of an adventurous spirit who were supposedly prospecting for
gold.

They knew, as well as I did, that there was no gold in the vicinity,
but were quite content to humor my whim so long as they were paid
for it. Most of them had been discharged from companies under
my control for good and sufficient reasons, including drunk and dis-
orderly conduct. The mine managers, totally unaware that anything
out of the ordinary was intended, remonstrated against my giving
employment to men they had dismissed. They said this was sub-
versive of discipline. I told them not to worry; experience had
taught me how to handle such men, and, indeed, I found them
tractable and not altogether uncongenial.

Towards the end of the year when the situation had become genu-
inely serious, I tried by subterfuge to induce my wife to take the fam-
ily to Cape Town. She suspected there was some reason back of my
insistence and refused to go. Finally, I took her into my confidence

328 Tke Autokiograpky of John Hays Hammond

and told her what we were intending, and what dangers she would
run, not only from the revolt, but also from a resultant uprising o
the native population. Even after this disclosure, she resolutely re-
fused to leave Johannesburg, and there she stayed throughout all the
trouble.

There was no danger of our running short of food* We had stored
enough supplies to last two and a half months; there were enough
further stocks in the town to ensure its holding out for three months
against a siege. Our volunteers had little experience in drilling to-
gether, but most of them had been in Africa for some time and
were not only good horsemen but excellent shots as well The South
African Light Horse, which rendered splendid service in the Boer
War, was largely recruited from these men.

In the early part of December, James Bryce, authority on govern-
ment and politics, stopped off at Johannesburg on his way back from
a trip to Rhodesia. He could not actually prove that anything out
of the ordinary was going on, but no person of sensibility could fail
to suspect that something was toward. I would find him at my office
when I came in in the morning; I would find him at my home when
I arrived there at night. Nothing I could do or say would shake him
off. He had a charming personality, and I enjoyed his company
except when he asked too-pertinent or embarrassing questions. I
finally told him that he possessed all the necessary attributes of a
first-class American newspaper reporter.

I did have in mind one further idea about which I kept very quiet.
It seemed .to me that once the arsenal at Pretoria was captured it
would be a relatively simple sequel to take Oom Paul himself back
to Johannesburg with us. I felt confident that, when subjected to
this other environment, he would prove more receptive to our ideas.

With all these various activities going on in Johannesburg, the
atmosphere reminded me of what we Californians used to call earth-
quake weather.

CHAPTER EIGHTEEN

The Revolt of tke TJitlan dears

ARRANGING THE DETAILS OF * ' F L OT AT IO N ' * I

LAY OUT JAMESON'S ROUTE THE DOCTOR BE-
COMES RESTIVE THE TRANSVAAL GROWS SLIGHTLY
AWARE SETTING THE DATE THE FLAG INCI-
DENT PUBLICATION OF THE LEONARD MANI-
FESTO AN AFTERNOON CALLER JAMESON STARTS
TOO SOON FORMATION OF THE REFORM COM-
MITTEE AN UNUSUAL NEW YEARNS EVE PARTY
KRUGER EXTENDS AN OLIVE BRANCH WILLOUGH-
BY's FATAL BLUNDER JAMESON SURRENDERS AT
DOORNKOP WE LAY DOWN OUR ARMS UNDER ARREST

Twain once remarked
m*r - ^that people were always
talking about the weather, but no one ever did anything about it.
So all of our discussions must have seemed to Jameson who, through-
out December of 1895, was chafing for action just across the border
at Pitsani in Bechuanaland, thirty-seven miles from Maf eking on the
border of the Transvaal. We, too, felt impatient, engrossed with
our own plans and preparations at Johannesburg.

Jameson's troops began to assemble early in the month- They were
in two divisions. The Bechuanaland police force of one hundred and
twenty, under command of Major Raleigh Gray, was at Mafeking,
The main body of Chartered police, under Jameson himself, was at
Pitsani. Lieutenant Colonel Sir John Willoughby was to have the

329

350 The Autobiograpny of John Hays Hammond

active military command of the combined forces, amounting to four
hundred and seventy men.

It was the middle of the South African hot season. The oppres-
sion weighed heavily upon our spirits. Action was an effort, al-
though we realized that we must act as swiftly as possible.

Jameson, equipped for action, restlessly impatient, accused us of
apathy. He was wrong. His chief problem was to hold his forces,
many of whom were volunteers owing him only nominal obedience.
He overlooked our difficulties. He ignored the fact that we had
multitudinous and vexatious details to handle, the omission of any
single one of which might ruin our plans. With the psychology of
the military man, he discounted the importance of our problems and
the necessity of our aid. Unfortunately, we did not realize that this
was Jameson's attitude although we were in constant communica-
tion with him by messengers; meanwhile, we proceeded as rapidly
as we were able.

Back in November my wife and I had gone by train to Kimberley
where I had an appointment to meet Rhodes for a discussion of vari-
ous phases of our preparations. From there we proceeded to Mafe-
king, and then, in order to study the topography of the country, re-
turned to Johannesburg by Cape cart and laid out the best route for
Jameson to follow.

Sir John Willoughby did not approve altogether of the route I
recommended; he had a vague idea of besieging Boer settlements on
his way to Johannesburg. But Dr. Jameson took my view that the
chief consideration was expedition in getting to Johannesburg to
secure relief for the city.

When my wife and I arrived at the Transvaal border, we were
stopped by a military doctor who informed us that there was an
epidemic of smallpox just over the line, and we should have to pro-
duce satisfactory vaccination scars before we would be allowed to
pass. Since mine was on my arm, I was speedily approved. My wife,
contrary to the Victorian custom, had been vaccinated on the leg.
She was much embarrassed, but made the best of the situation; she
quickly lifted her dress to the necessary height and as quickly
dropped it, In equal embarrassment, the young doctor signed her
quarantine record.

Tlie Revolt of tLe Uitlanclera 331

After we had gone a short distance beyond the border, my wife
suddenly turned to me and said, "My goodness, Jack, I showed him
the wrong leg."

This experience was the only touch of humor in what was a very
serious undertaking.

Along the road from Pitsani to Johannesburg, Dr. Henry Wolff,
an intimate friend of Jameson, under our direction established stage
stations ostensibly in connection with mining developments in that
section. These stations were stocked with food to supplement Jame-
son's commissariat.

It has been alleged that we failed to carry out our agreement to
provide changes of cavalry mounts for the Jameson troopers. As a
matter of fact, Jameson had not suggested any such arrangement as
obviously it would have been impossible to send several hundred
cavalry mounts without at once arousing the suspicion of the Boers.
In fact, there were few horses of this kind aside from those owned by
the Boers, from whom we would have had to purchase them.

Meanwhile, in the early days of December, Jameson's restlessness
increased. He did not understand the newer political complications
of our situation and his uncertainty accentuated his impatience.

Jameson usually showed good judgment in selecting men who
could serve in a confidential capacity but he made a mistake in his
choice of a well-known young Englishman to convey a message to
me. On his arrival in Johannesburg this young fellow happened to
meet two old Eton schoolmates. They celebrated the reunion by
imbibing too freely, Jameson's messenger became very confiding
and told them the plans of the Reform Committee.

The next morning his two friends came to see me, expressed great
regret at what they had to tell me of the night before, but assured
me that I need feel no concern: they would give up their proposed
big game shooting trip to the North and would remain in Johannes-
burg and give what assistance they could to the Reform Movement.
They thought Jameson's messenger should not be entrusted with
other important communications, however.

I called the messenger to my office and he finally confessed his
breach of confidence. I reprimanded him severely and then told
him to return in an hour as I had a most important message to send

332 Tne Autoloiograpliy of Jonn Hays Hammond

by him to Dr. Jameson, and said that he must guard the letter at all
costs, and to deliver it personally into the doctor's hands. This was
the letter:

My dear Jameson:

For God's sake don't send any more damn fools like
the bearer of this letter to me. He has divulged the en-
tire plans to two Englishmen who are here with us. It
will not make any difference as they are loyal and will
help us all they can; send the bearer to the interior of
Africa where he will be lost for months.

Jameson read my letter immediately to the young man and sent
him on a mission some hundreds of miles away.

Two years afterwards at a dinner in London I escorted a young
lady to the table. I noticed that she was unusually disagreeable.
None of my efforts at conversation were successful; she remained
frigid and answered only in monosyllables, I tried to break through
the barrier by asking if she had ever been in Africa, America, and
other countries. The reply was "No." I was at a loss to account for
her attitude.

After dinner was over, I asked my hostess about the young lady I
had had the pleasure of taking in to dinner, as I had not caught her
name when introduced. Her answer solved the puzzle. She was
the sister of Jameson's messenger.

On December i2th, Jameson wired me frantically, to "inf orm weak
partners more delay more danger, ... Do all you can to hasten the
completion of works." We had been making every effort to bring
these weak partners into line and consolidate our tactical position*
We knew Rhodes's co-operation was assured, but we felt it equally
necessary to obtain the personal support of Alfred Beit, whose inter-
ests on the Rand were as great as those of Rhodes himself. Further-
more, I relied on Beit's sagacity and foresight and wanted the ad-
vantage of his personal influence. His partners, Lionel Phillips and
Percy Fitzpatrick, had given invaluable service to the cause, but a
number of men in Beit's employ at Johannesburg had not been par-
ticularly zealous in the movement. Rhodes was as desirous as we

TIxe Revolt of tke Uitlanders 333

that Beit should come in person to enlist the active co-operation of
his lukewarm employees so that the Consolidated Gold Fields would
not be left holding the bag and that we would present a united front
to the Boers.

Volunteers from Cape Town were now joining Jameson's camp
and some even came to Johannesburg. We had so little use for them
that finally Colonel Rhodes had to wire Major Robert White, Wil-
loughby's chief of staff, to send no more heroes until January, as we
had neither room nor equipment for them. We had but a fraction
of the rifles required for arming our own volunteers.

With the approval of the other leaders, I wired Rhodes on Decem-
ber i8th, and said the "flotation" would have to be postponed until
Beit could come to Johannesburg. A few days later Beit wired back
from Cape Town that he could not come at the moment because of
illness, and inquired as to the reason for the hitch in our plans. He
said he did not want his illness to interfere with the date of the "flota-
tion"; he could not understand why the revolt should not take place
immediately.

On receiving assurance that he was heartily in sympathy with our
plans, we set midnight of December 28th as the provisional time for
the beginning of the revolt, but we soon found that the date would
have to be changed and the "flotation" would have to be postponed.
Therefore, we immediately sent Jameson a wire in code, saying that
the rising would not take place as planned on the 28th, and that he
must not move until he received further instructions. Jameson's only
reply was to wire Colonel Rhodes that he did not see how he could
delay beyond December. The reason for our change of plans was
that, in the first place, in our haste we had neglected to take into con-
sideration that the Christmas season was an important religious
festival for the Boers, and that Pretoria would be thronged with
burghers- This would prevent, or at least make very difficult, our
proposed attempt on the arsenal

In the second place, even then not enough arms had arrived. We
had as yet only a thousand rifles, which was but a small fraction of
those actually needed*

Most disturbing of all, certain of the Reformers had brought from
Cape Town inflammable news that Jameson intended to insinuate

334 -Lne Autooiograpny of Join Hays Hammond

the British flag into the proceedings and carry it into Johannesburg,
and that Rhodes had agreed to the plan.

This caused great consternation in our ranks. Many of us, par-
ticularly the large American contingent, were not British subjects,
and many of the British themselves were averse to changing the flag.
To settle this point, we sent a committee to Cape Town to tell
Rhodes that we would take no action if Jameson insisted on hoisting
the British flag, and also to inform Rhodes of our state of unpre-
paredness. Assurance was at once sent back that the apprehension
over a possible change of flag was groundless. Nevertheless, it was
apparent to me by Christmas Day that many in our ranks had a pro-
found distrust of Jameson's attitude which was only equaled by Jame-
son's lack of confidence in our zeal.

Jameson naturally feared the possibility that the Boers might dis-
cover our real plans. Moreover, his forces were being constantly de-
pleted; his men, who were not yet acquainted with the purpose of
their assembling, had begun to quit him. He became more and
more worried. He notified us that he might be obliged to act pre-
maturely. The telegraph wires were vibrating with activity.

Dr. Rutherf oord Harris, secretary of the Chartered Company, who
was working jointly for Rhodes and the Reform Committee at Cape
Town, did not help to allay Jameson's fears when he wired him,
December 23rd, "We suspect Transvaal is getting aware slightly.**

It was obvious from the messages we were receiving from Jame-
son that he was attempting to hurry us. We realized that he might
even be trying to force our hand and to make the "flotation" inde-
pendently of us. We were confident, however, that we had convinced
Jameson of the need of postponement.

One week seemed sufficient time to clear up the flag incident, so
we set January 4th as the second provisional date on which the rising
at Johannesburg and our attack on the Pretoria arsenal should take
place. In order to blind the Boers to the imminence of this event, an
open forum for the discussion of Uitlander grievances was scheduled
and announced to take place January 6th -two days after the upris-
ing. The agenda was taken from a manifesto drawn up by Charles
Leonard, after a consultation with Rhodes at Cape Town in October,

Tie Revolt of tte Uitlandens 335

and later with Phillips, Colonel Rhodes, and me. The carefully
annotated heads of topics were as follows:

(i) Full representation in the Councils of the State
in proportion to our numbers and vested interests;
being the majority of the people we claim the right to
be included in a true government of the people by the
people for the people; (2) Proper control of public
moneys and true responsibility to the people; (3) Ab-
solute independence of the courts and the raising of the
status of the judges; (4) The possession and control of
our railways and public works; (5) The abolition of
monopolies; (6) Free trade with the neighbouring
States of South Africa in all products thereof; (7) A
settled policy which, while guarding the legitimate
interests of the South African Republic zealously, shall
foster the goodwill of the other South African States
and strengthen the bonds of commerce and good feel-
ing between us and them; (8) Pure administration;
(9) Equal rights for the English and Dutch languages.

This "sweetly reasonable" document, as the Standard and Digger
News called it, was signed by Leonard as chairman of the Trans-
vaal National Union and published December 26th.

Kruger's only comment when he read it was: 'Their rights. Yes,
they'll get themover my dead body.'*

Nevertheless, the proposed mass meeting accomplished its pur-
pose: it deceived the Boers as to our actual plans. Apparently it never
occurred to them that we would move before that date.

On December 26th, 27th, and 28th, urgent telegrams were sent by
Dr. Harris to Jameson that he must not move.

Basil Williams says in his book, Cecil Rhodes:

Throughout the 26th, 2yth, and 28th telegrams o in-
creasing urgency were being sent to Jameson from the
Chartered Company's office, bidding him stand fast.
Dr. Harris was evidently moved almost to tears by the

336 Tne Autobiograpty of John Hays Hammond

hesitation of Johannesburg, and concludes one of his
telegrams "Ichabod"; but he makes it quite plain to
Jameson that he must not move: "ALL OUR FOREIGN

FRIENDS ARE DEAD AGAINST FLOTATION AND SAY PUBLIC
WILL NOT SUBSCRIBE ONE PENNY TOWARDS IT EVEN WITH
YOU AS DIRECTOR. . . . WE CANNOT HAVE FIASCO/'

In fact, message after message went to Jameson urging him to be
patient. "It's all right if youll only wait," reiterated Harris, while
at the same time adjuring Sam Jameson, in Johannesburg, to "Keep
the market firm/'

Jameson either could not, or did not care to, understand the
urgency of our need for delay. As I have just said, he was afraid
the Boers were beginning to wonder why he was training soldiers
so near Johannesburg. But Dr. Harris notified him not to worry
about any suspicion his armed force might create. He told him it
did not matter if people thought he was threatening the Transvaal;
he was within his rights in keeping the force there. On December
27th, Jameson wired his brother Sam:

LET J. H. HAMMOND TELEGRAPH INSTANTLY ALL RIGHT.

I replied:

WIRE RECEIVED, EXPERTS* REPORT DECIDEDLY ADVERSE. I AB-
SOLUTELY CONDEMN FURTHER DEVELOPMENTS AT PRESENT.

This statement seemed definite enough to me and to the Reform
Committee. Sam Jameson also telegraphed to the doctor on Decem-
ber 28th:

IT IS ABSOLUTELY NECESSARY TO POSTPONE FLOTATION
THROUGH UNFORESEEN CIRCUMSTANCES UNTIL WE HAVE C* J.
RHODES's ABSOLUTE PLEDGE THAT AUTHORITY OF IMPERIAL
GOVERNMENT WILL NOT BE INSISTED ON.

After my telegram had gone, I began to wonder more and more
what Jameson intended to do. His past actions had certainly not
been of a kind to instill faith in his patience and self-control He

Tke Revolt of tke Uitlanders 557

was obviously fretting, and no one knew better than I how fatal any
impetuous action on his part might prove. However incredible it
might seem that Jameson should actually plan to start without re-
ceiving word from the Reform Committee and from me personally,
even that remote possibility had to be guarded against.

We decided to take such steps as would make premature action
on his part impossible. Captain Holden was sent on horseback
across country to Pitsani. Major Heaney, a West Point graduate for
many years associated with Jameson in Rhodesia, went by special
train to Mafeking, Both these Jameson adherents bore the same
message, and we were certain that one or the other would be de-
livered by Sunday, December apth. They were to inform the doctor
that the guns were arriving so slowly that we had as yet only a few
more than a thousand rifles all told and hardly enough ammunition
to last through an hour's steady firing.

Consequently, if Jameson moved, he would, to use his own favor-
ite expression, "ball everything up."

The sending of these messages relieved our minds. It did not
occur to us that the doctor would make any decisive move after he
had heard the facts at first hand.

Rhodes himself made one final effort, December 2pth, to stop
Jameson* "On no account whatever must you move. I most strongly
object to such a course."

Unfortunately it was Sunday and the telegraph office could not
get through to Mafeking. Even if the wire had been delivered, it
is doubtful whether Jameson would have heeded the command.

Saturday, December 28th, Kruger returned to Pretoria from a
tour of the principal Transvaal towns. When he was informed of
a rumored uprising, he said he did not believe it. Even so, he re-
marked, his burghers should remember that if they wanted to kill
a tortoise they must wait until he sticks his head out of the shell

Kruger had barely reached his home when he was approached by
a deputation of Americans who had gone to Pretoria independently,
without the sanction of the men in control of the Reform Movement.
The group included those very men for whose disciplining we had
desired Beit's presence. They were received civilly enough* Like
Napoleon, Kruger was accustomed to losing his temper principally

338 Tne Autooiograpny of John Hays Hammond

for effect. After he had heard the Committee's proposals for a peace-
ful solution, he asked, "If a crisis should occur, on which side shall I
find the Americans?"

The deputation answered, "On the side of liberty and good gov-
ernment."

To this the president replied, "You are all alike, tarred with the
same brush; you are British in your hearts"

He became really irritated, however, when the Americans asked,
"If we take the oath of allegiance, will you then not trust us?"

He replied, "This is no time to talk about these things I can
promise you nothing,"

We did not expect that anything would happen in the next few
days. But at noon on Sunday, December apth, came a telegram which
threw us into a fresh state of alarm* It was addressed to Dr. Wolff
and read:

MEET ME AS ARRANGED BEFORE YOU LEFT ON TUESDAY
NIGHT, WHICH WILL ENABLE US TO DECIDE WHICH IS BEST

DESTINATION; MAKE AJ>V[OCATE] jr. w. LEONARD SPEAK,

MAKE CUTTING TONIGHT WITHOUT FAIL, HAVE GREAT FAITH
IN J. H. HAMMOND, A. L. LAWLEY AND MINERS WITH LEE
METFORD RIFLES.

We concluded that Jameson was making a final bluff in an ef-
fort to force action. We were still perfectly sure that the arrival of
our personal messengers would have effectively leashed Jameson.

Unperturbed, I went about my regular business in connection with
plans for the revolt. Early Monday afternoon I attended a meeting
to hear the results of the Saturday interview between the American
delegation and Kruger, We appointed a committee of three to go
to Pretoria on Tuesday and once more lay our demands before the
president.

I returned to my office a little before four o'clock. Shortly after-
wards, I was waited upon by Sammy Marks, one of Kruger's intimate
business associates. I knew the man well as I had been the consulting
engineer of mining companies in which he had large interests.
I was well aware of the fact that he had not called merely to

Tide Revolt of tte Uitlanders 339

pass the time of day. Marks, evidently nervous and excited, began
immediately to discuss current rumors. I was sparring for time un-
til I could ascertain his true object, when the door opened and a
clerk handed me a slip of paper. On it was written:

"Jameson has crossed the Border."

I was thunderstruck!

In a voice as steady and unconcerned as I could manage, I asked,
"What's that you were saying, Sammy ? You think it looks as though
there might be bloodshed?"

"Well, they're saying around town that youVe run in thirty
thousand rifles. That looks like fighting to me."

"So that's it/' I thought to myself. "Kruger knows Jameson's
started and he's trying to find out what we're up to."

A little American bluff seemed indicated. I said nonchalantly:
"Oh, I wouldn't want to say exactly how many guns there are,
Sammy. But I hardly think it's quite as many as diat"

I was twisting the slip of paper in my hand while watching the
effect of my words. They seemed to be going down well, but I
knew how important it was to make Marks believe that we were bet-
ter prepared than was actually the case. I felt certain that, if Kru-
ger should suspect our woeful state of unpreparcdness, Johannes-
burg would be attacked before Jameson could get within a hundred
miles of us. That would be the end of the Reform Movement

"And how about the artillery, Mr. Hammond? Is it true you've
got thirty cannons?" queried Sammy, unable to conceal his eager-
ness- I remembered with amusement the mining pumps covered
with tarpaulins that we had hauled through the streets to give the
impression of cannons. The sight of these had succeeded in giving
rise to the rumor.

Nevertheless, I kept up the game. "If they're saying that, they're
probably exaggerating. You know how people talk, Sammy/'

I could sec that Marks had swallowed the bait. He lost no time
in saying farewell. The door had barely closed behind him when I
dashed to my secretary's room. "Marks has gone! Tell Fred to fol-
low him and not let him out of his sight."

3-40 TLe AutotiograpLy of Jonn Hays Hammond

Fred soon reported that Marks had left by special train for Pre-
toria.

Some months after my release from jail in Pretoria, when good
feeling had been re-established between the individuals of the Re-
form Committee and their Boer friends, Marks told me, as a good
joke on himself, what he had reported to Kruger after his interview
with me.

"Mr. President, I fear there is going to be bloodshed in Johannes-
burg. I saw hundreds of men marching and drilling, several can-
nons being hauled through the streets, all the Uitlanders are armed.
I know this for a fact, I got an admission from my friend, Hays
Hammond. He's had charge of my mines and I have absolute con-
fidence in him. Hammond practically admitted to me that there
were at least thirty thousand rifles and thirty cannons/*

My next move was to get in touch with the other leaders. They
had already received the news from Lawley, who had rushed into
headquarters waving a telegram and shouting, 'It's all up, boys.
Listen to this! 'THE CONTRACTOR HAS STARTED ON THE EARTHWORKS

WITH SEVEN HUNDRED BOYSJ HOPES TO REACH TERMINUS ON WEDNES-

DAY.' "

And so vanished our carefully laid designs for taking the Pretoria
arsenal All we could do now was to revamp the plan to fit the
altered circumstances.

Within fifteen minutes messengers were on their way to call to-
gether those Reform leaders who had not yet heard the news. We
still believed that, whatever the reason for his action, Jameson must
be supported*

Before eight o'clock that evening we had organized an emergency
Reform Committee. We sent telegrams to Rhodes and to Sir Her-
cules Robinson at Cape Town, urging that the latter should come
at once to avert civil war.

Ever since word had first come that Jameson was on the way,
women and children had begun to leave the city in large numbers-
We heard that the Natal train had been wrecked with many casual-
ties. This cast an added gloom over everybody. The refugee women
and children who remained were given bunks at the clubs. As a

Tke Revolt of tke Uitlanclers 341

matter of precaution, all canteens had been closed so that no Kaffirs
could obtain liquor.

By midnight the alarm caused by Jameson's premature start had
subsided; the streets were quiet. After working nearly all night,
at four o'clock I reached Heath's Hotel, to which I had brought my
family, and was just on the point of going to bed when I was called
back to the Reform Committee, which had decided to meet in per-
petual session.

We had appointed subcommittees for replacing the Boer police in
the town, for mounting Maxims on the surrounding hills, for securing
provisions, for distributing such guns as we had, and for providing
for the relief of the women and children who had been called in
from the mines. The Johannesburg Star of Tuesday, December
3ist, carried our proclamation asking the inhabitants to commit no
overt act against the Boer government. Our telegraphic communi-
cations with the outside world were that day cut oft by the Boers.

No shops opened on Monday; all were tightly shuttered with wood
or corrugated iron. The Boer police vanished from the streets and
our own emergency force took control.

Before nightfall we had distributed the rifles from the courthouse;
squads began drilling in the streets. Some twenty thousand men
must have volunteered, but there were arms available only for a few
hundred, and no way of securing a further supply. Including the
fifteen hundred rifles rushed in after Jameson had started, which
were concealed in freight cars under a thin layer of coke, there were
no more than twenty-seven hundred altogether.

The extremely sultry day turned into a calm moonlit night. The
excitement on the streets gradually died down.

Although Johannesburg was pre-eminently a British community,
there were many Americans there. Prior to the last few months of
the conspiracy, we had taken no aggressive political position, and
even then we were not actively interested except when the Boers
planned to commandeer Americans as well as British for service in
their native wars. At that time I called a secret meeting of several
of my mine managers and invited T. B. Brown (known as Bar-
barian Brown) to be present I had first encountered Brown when
he was editor of a newspaper in Idaho. He was an American and

342 JLne Autobiograpny of Jolm Hays Hammond

we knew him to be a paid spy of Kruger, although Brown did not
suspect that we were aware of this.

* The meeting was held in Victor Clement's home at the Simmer
and Jack mine,, of which he was manager. After swearing all to
secrecy, we took an oath that if any of us were commandeered the
first shot fired would be aimed at the Boer commander. This secret
resolution was quickly reported to Kruger, with the result that there
was no commandeering of Americans.

A meeting was called New Year's Eve to hear the report of the
American deputation who had just returned from Pretoria. Over
five hundred Americans, including mine managers, mechanics,
foremen, and carpenters, attended. Captain Thomas Mein, mana-
ger of the Robinson mine, was in the chair. Brown reported for the
deputation. Although he was pro-Kruger in his sordid sympathy,
he was forced to admit that Kruger had given them no satisfaction
and it was his own opinion that nothing further could be done.

Mein announced from the platform that the meeting had been
called to decide whether the Americans would give their support to
the revolution then brewing against the Boer oligarchy. This was
as far as he got.

Brown and his fellows had decided to break up the meeting by
making it impossible for anyone to speak. So loud was the uproar
that, just as I made my somewhat belated entrance into the hall,
Captain Mein was about to adjourn the meeting in despair.

Perceiving that the situation was practically out of hand, I walked
rapidly down the aisle, mounted the platform, and raised my hand
for a hearing.

"What's going on?" I demanded. "Sit down, everybody, . . .
Brown, I consider that the report you've brought back from Kruger
is an insult. We don't want any Kruger men in this hall What-
ever talking is going to be done in this room is going to come from
the platform."

The hubbub gradually subsided, particularly as threatening ges-
tures from the American miners under my management lent au-
thority to my words.

When the room was quiet enough, I said, "I respectfully request
that everyone who is not an American leave the room/*

Hie Revolt of tke Uitlanders 343

The few English who had dropped in slipped peaceably away.

I then explained in simple terms the situation confronting us.
"You all know exactly what we re here for. I don't need to .tell you
the difficulties under which we've been working, or how unjustly,
we've been treated by the Pretoria crowd. All I'm going to ask
you is one single question. Don't you agree with me that weVe
now reached the same point as the signers of the Declaration of
Independence when they announced that 'it was their right and their
duty to throw off a despotic government, and to provide new guards
for their future security' ?

'That's all there is to it," I explained. "You won't find anything
in the Declaration of Independence that limits this principle to lati-
tude or longitude. It's a clean-cut issue to be faced by us Americans
here and now.

"You know as well as I do that we won't stand for having a British
flag hoisted over Johannesburg. All we want is justice from Kruger
and his grafters. You can rely on me that I'll shoot any man who
hoists any flag but the Boer flag."

The assemblage applauded vigorously. The vote was immediately
taken and, out of the more than five hundred present, all but five
voted to take up arms against Kruger. The George Washington
Corps of one hundred and fifty members was at once organized for
active service, and pledged its support to the revolutionary cause.

As soon as this meeting was over, I rushed back to the Gold Fields
offices where the Reform Committee was discussing proposals
brought by Kruger emissaries known for their progressive senti-
ments* We called them the Olive Branch delegation. Among them
were Eugene Marais, editor of the leading Boer newspaper, and
Malan, Joubert* s son-in-law* The delegation were favorable to our
cause, and some of them were personal friends of members of the
Reform Committee. They had brought from the Boer government
letters of introduction to Lionel Phillips and myself. We refused to
receive them in the capacity of a deputation from Kruger unless they
came accredited to the Reform Committee of Johannesburg. This
stipulation was immediately accepted*
That Kruger was willing to negotiate with the Reform Commit-

544 The Autobiography of JoLa Hays Hammond

tee as the representative body of the people of Johannesburg, and not
as outlaws, is a fact that was subsequently ignored at our trial.

The meeting lasted until midnight. The gist of the Boer proposals
was contained in the famous statement: "We come in fact to offer
you the olive branch; it is for you to say if you will take it; if you are
sincere in your professions, you will"

We discussed the question of grievances; and came to an agree-
ment on most of the important issues except the granting of the fran-
chise to Catholics and Jews, to which Kruger had always been un-
alterably opposed. As we had many Catholics and Jews on our
Reform Committee, we could not yield on this point.

The delegation told us that Sir Hercules Robinson had sent a let-
ter to Jameson commanding him to turn back; they expected him to
obey. They further asked us to send a deputation to Pretoria to meet
a Boer commission there. Many of our committee felt that this was
merely a ruse on the part of die Boers to gain time, but we accepted
the invitation and sent the deputation.

On the following day, at a meeting of the Reform Committee at
its headquarters in my office, in the building of the Consolidated
Gold Fields Company, every man raised his hand and swore al-
legiance to the Boer flag which I had procured and had raised over
our headquarters, where it remained throughout the crisis.

C. D. Rudd, Rhodes's partner, then at Cape Town, sent a message
of protest against this usurpation, saying that we would thereby em-
barrass the Gold Fields Company, I sent back a prompt reply that
I considered the Company was already up to its neck in the revolt
and I could not see how it could be further embarrassed. I suggested
that he come up personally and discuss the matter with the Reform
leaders, knowing that this invitation would not be accepted.

The sixth edition of the Star, Tuesday, December sist, carried the
headlines that Jameson was only a few miles away- Unofficial mes-
sengers scurried back and forth between his camp and the town.
Rumors of all kinds were rife. The populace was raised to a pitch
of high excitement by Jameson's proximity. He had become a hero,
and there was much pressure to have the citizens go out to meet him
and conduct him in triumph into the city. There was a total miscon-
ception among the people as to the seriousness of the situation*

Hie Revolt of tke Uitlanders 345

Up to this time, with the exception of the Reform leaders, the peo-
ple of Johannesburg had been kept in ignorance of the number of
guns in the possession of the Reform Committee. They were under
the impression that there were many times the number we actually
had. Obviously it would have been fatal to the cause if the truth had
been made public.

On Wednesday, Sir Jacobus de Wet, the agent of the Cape govern-
ment at Pretoria, was sent for by Kruger, who told him to announce
to the Reform Committee in Johannesburg that they should follow
a constitutional course- This same day we learned that the letter of
invitation, which we had given to Jameson undated, had been made
public. Percy Fitzpatrick, one of the leading members of the Re-
form Committee, says in his book Transvaal from Within:

The public by this time knew of the letter of invita-
tion; it had been taken on the battlefield and news of
it was telegraphed in, and apart from this the writers
had made no secret of it. But what the public did not
know was the efforts made to stop Jameson and the
practical withdrawal of the letter before we had started,

We could no longer ignore the fact that he had started in clear vio-
lation of our intent; he had tried to "make his own flotation.**

The leaders of the Reform Committee and other members who
had inside information were deeply incensed against Jameson for
what we justly regarded as his betrayal of us.

I asked Jameson when I saw him after his release from Holloway
Prison in London, why he left Pitsani against our protest. He said
that his men were deserting him and the Boers were getting very sus-
picious and if he had not started then, he never could have come in.
I told him that it would have been much better if he had never
started.

Lionel Phillips went to Pretoria where he met the government com-
mission on Wednesday noon and detailed our position at Johannes-
burg. He said he did not know why Jameson had started, which was
true, but he aroused the suspicions of the Boers, who already knew
him as one of the signers of the Jameson letter of invitation. They

346 The Autooiograpliy of Jolin Hays Hammond

gave him the impression, however, that our grievances would be re-
dressed. He informed them that we leaders would be personally
responsible for Jameson's leaving peaceably as soon as he arrived.

After Phillips returned to Johannesburg, at eleven the same night,
he addressed a great crowd waiting for news in front of the Consoli-
dated Gold Fields Building. Speaking from the balcony, he said the
Boer commission had assured us of earnest consideration of our
grievances. He declared again to them that Jameson must have made
a mistake, but that he and the other leaders had offered their own per-
sons as guarantors of Jameson's safety. This proposal had been re-
jected by Kruger, who, nevertheless, had asked for and received a full
list of the Reform Committee members. Phillips stated further that
Sir Hercules Robinson was going to Pretoria as mediator, and that
there was to be an armistice pending his arrival and negotiations.

The crowd kept interrupting Phillips with cries of "How about
Jameson? . . . What are you going to do about Jameson ?"

Phillips knew how to handle the mob. He shouted: "We intend
to stand by Jameson. Let's have three cheers for Dr. Jim." The
response was hearty, and the crowd slowly dispersed.

Thursday morning came, and still no word from Jameson as to
why he had started. There were rumors that he was fighting near by;
the Star published an edition every hour recounting Jameson's sup^
posed progress; doctors, ambulances, and volunteer nurses went out
to get the wounded.

J, J. Lace, one of our committee who had accompanied the mes-
senger sent by the high commissioner to intercept Jameson, returned
with the news that the doctor had actually received Robinson's
proclamation, to wit:

Whereas it has come to my knowledge that certain
British subjects, said to be under the leadership of Dr.
Jameson, have violated the territory of the South Afri-
can Republic, and have cut telegraph wires, and done
various other illegal acts; and whereas the South Afri-
can Republic is a friendly state, in amity with Her
Majesty's Government; and whereas it is my desire to
respect the independence of the said State;

Tke Revolt of tke Uitlaaclers 347

Now, therefore, I hereby command the said Dr. Jame-
son and all persons accompanying him to immediately
retire from the territory of the South African Republic,
on pain of the penalties attached to their illegal pro-
ceedings; and I do further hereby call upon all British
subjects in the South African Republic to abstain from
giving the said Dr. Jameson any countenance or assist-
ance in his armed violation of the territory of a friendly
State.

Lace told Jameson that the Uitlanders were powerless to help him;
that they had warned him to that effect, and Jameson admitted hav-
ing received our messengers before he started from Pitsani. Indeed,
the messengers had accompanied Jameson on the Raid. Lace also
told Jameson that we could not understand why he had started. He
received a feeble answer which was not a satisfactory explanation.

When Lace left he knew that Jameson realized fully that we were
powerless to help him* Jameson feigned that we had allowed him
to come in and then deserted him.

About daybreak on Thursday, January 2nd, Colonel Rhodes and
I, who had been sleeping on the floor in my office, were awakened by
the arrival of bugler Valle of Dr. Jameson's force. He told us that
he had left Jameson but a few hours before; that Jameson was pro-
gressing surely but slowly on his way to Johannesburg. We care-
fully catechized him as to Jameson's condition, and he assured us
that Jameson did not expect armed support from Johannesburg.
Valle was of the opinion that Jameson would reach Johannesburg
within a few hours.

Even if Jameson had needed any support, it would have been im-
possible to give it to him as we had but few mounted men and a small
amount of ammunition. Furthermore, Johannesburg would have
been left entirely at the mercy of the Boers who were massing on the
outskirts of the town, and once the Boers got into Johannesburg and
found that we did not have any armed men, there would have been
much bloodshed.

The Reform Committee decided this (Thursday) was the time to
$e*2 the fort at Johannesburg, which by now had been well provided

348 Tke Autotiograpty of Jotn Hays Hammond

with, guns sent from Pretoria by the Boers. I felt that this should be
delayed no longer: if Jameson was such a short distance away, his
arrival might be the signal for a Boer bombardment. To help me
out, I had secured the assistance of a well-known American saloon
owner, and a small group of us were at his place discussing the ways
and means of carrying out our plan to take the fort. One of our fel-
low conspirators, who previously had been an ardent advocate of the
scheme, now began to suggest difficulties. Since this did not cor-
respond with his earlier enthusiasm, I said: "There isn't going to be
any monkey business about this. You're going into the fort first,
and I'll be right behind you. If I see the slightest sign of anything
wrong, I'll shoot you."

At this crisis there came a tap on the door- The American
opened it and received a note. It was written in Dutch, so he handed
it to the hesitating conspirator, who, with barely concealed satis-
faction, announced:

"Jameson has surrendered at Doornkop."

Assuming this an excuse for further postponement of our attempt
to capture the fort, I said firmly, "That's a lie! Jameson hasn't been
captured."

All too soon, however, the truth of his statement was verified.
Wilkmghby had left the prescribed trail to go off cross country to
Doornkop, where a battle had resulted in the defeat and capture of
Jameson and his officers, They were already on their way to Pre-
toria as prisoners.

I returned to the Reform Committee headquarters- We learned
immediately that a considerable Boer force had gone to the fort after
Jameson's capture. This, of course, compelled us to abandon our
plans for seizing the fort.

Another crowd of Johannesburghers had gathered in front of the
headquarters building. Ugly as had been the mood of the mob of
the previous night, this one was in noticeably worse temper* There
were threats to blow up the building with us in it Reiterated cries
were tittered: "What about Jameson now?"

of the members tried to speak from the balcony, but were

Tke Revolt of tlie XJitlandeitf 349

howled down. Finally Sam Jameson appealed for quiet and was
recognized.

"I beg you, for my brother's sake,'* he said, "to maintain a spirit
of calm restraint. We have done everything in our power for him,
and used our very best judgment. In face of the complicated cir-
cumstances, no other course could have been taken."

Had any other member of the Committee made this statement,
his words would have carried no farther than the balcony rail, but
since this was the great Dr. Jim's own brother, the people listened
to him. The tension was relieved, and the crowd melted away.

I was dead tired. When I reached the hotel at midnight, I took
off my clothes for the first time in three days and nights and got a
much-needed rest. The worst had happened, and for the moment
there was nothing more to do.

On Friday it was difficult to untangle truth from fiction in the
maze of rumors afloat in the town as to the terms on which Jameson
had given up his arms. We understood that before he surrendered it
had been stipulated that he and his men were to be spared, but Boer
reports gave out that the surrender was unconditional. Further
stories said definitely that his own life was to be forfeited.

The Committee issued a proclamation that, during the armistice
pending Sir Hercules Robinson's arrival, no hostile move should be
made. The entire town was in the depths of depression. Armed
Boer troops began to appear on the outskirts. A few of our recruits
continued to drill in a half-hearted manner in Government Square;
otherwise everything was quiet, and remained so over the week-end.
The plight of the Reformers was pitiable. The revolutionary
atmosphere was a combination of Armageddon and a psychopathic
ward. Our aspiration for reform had not abated, but untoward
facts confronted us. The proclamation of the high commissioner;
the appeal to save the lives of Jameson and his men; the promises of
the Boer government that our grievances would be redressed, made
confusion worse confounded as to our course of action. The leaders
were, indeed, in a quandary.

We could not imagine why Sir Hercules Robinson was so slow
in arriving at Pretoria. Later we learned that he had quickly found
out that the news of Jameson's invasion was true. He already had

350 Tne Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

in his possession a cablegram from Chamberlain who had seen the
Leonard Manifesto stating that Great Britain would support the
high commissioner in keeping the peace. After he had issued a
proclamation, and had seen to it that Jameson had received it> there
followed the arrangement with Kruger by which Sir Hercules was
to go to Pretoria to effect a peaceful settlement.

He had been summoned from his country villa early on Monday
morning, December 30th. He finally left Cape Town at nine P.M.,
Thursday, January 2nd, accompanied by a trained nurse. He arrived
at Pretoria just on the eve of the Boer sabbath and Kruger, in accord-
ance with the strict Dopper views, postponed discussions until Mon-
day, January 6th. Although Robinson arrived at Pretoria on Satur-
day evening, it was not until the next day that he cabled Chamberlain
that the state of affairs was critical. The Boers, he said, were getting
out of hand, and demanding the execution of Jameson. He was
certain the Transvaal would insist upon the disarming of Johannes-
burg before negotiating, although he admitted the Johannesburg
people wanted the safety of Jameson and his men guaranteed first;
otherwise, they would fight.

Between Saturday and Monday the high commissioner made no
effort to inform himself fully of the conditions, though he could and
should have learned these, if necessary from Jameson himself. As
stated, his first official interview with Kruger was on Monday, Janu-
ary 6th. After this meeting he despatched another message to
Chamberlain.

Robinson had expressed to Kruger his regret for the Raid, and
thanked the Boers for their moderation, Kruger had definitely
stated that Johannesburg must disarm unconditionally and would
say nothing about the prisoners. Furthermore, he would allow only
twenty-four hours for his ultimatum to be accepted. Without further
investigation, Robinson accepted Kruger's dictate and advised Johan-
nesburg to disarm.

Chamberlain wired back his approval of Robinson's procedure up
to this point.

Many of the Reform Committee suspected that there might be a
trap concealed under the Boer offers; at the same time, we had come
to realize that a struggle would be hopeless* When Sir Hercules

Tke Revolt of tke TJitlanclers 351

sent us a further telegram stating that we would forfeit all "claim to
sympathy from Her Majesty's government ... as the lives of Jame-
son and the prisoners are now practically in their hands," we felt
there was no alternative to submission. As we trusted entirely the
assurances of the high commissioner that we should be fairly dealt
with, we did not insist upon any written guarantee of safety. At
that time we did not know the terms o Jameson's surrender.
January 7th, Robinson wired Chamberlain:

I HAVE JUST RECEIVED A MESSAGE FROM THE REFORM
COMMITTEE RESOLVING TO COMPLY WITH THE DEMAND OF
THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC TO LAY DOWN THEIR ARMS,
THE PEOPLE PLACING THEMSELVES UNRESERVEDLY IN MY
HANDS IN FULLEST CONFIDENCE THAT I WILL SEE JUSTICE
DONE THEM,

The next day he put himself even more definitely on record: "I
will confer with Kruger as to redressing the grievances of the resi-
dents of Johannesburg."

In a further cable of the same day he explained his position more
fully: "I intend to insist on the fulfillment of terms as regards
prisoners and consideration of grievances."

After he had been informed that the Boer government believed
the Uitlanders had not given up all their guns and ammunition,
he told the Executive Council that the onus rested on the Transvaal
government to prove guns and ammunition were still being con-
cealed, and that, if any hostile step were taken before this had been
clearly demonstrated, "I should consider it a violation of the under-
taking for which I had made myself personally responsible to the
people of Johannesburg, and I should leave the issue in the hands
o Her Majesty's government"

No words could have more plainly stated Robinson*s intention
at that time to stand by his agreement with us.

On January 6th an ultimatum was delivered to us from Sir Hercules
by Sir Jacobus de Wet, the British agent, and Sir Sidney Shippard,
administrator of Bechuanaland, It amounted to a demand that we
surrender our arms: otherwise, we could not claim any sympathy

352 The Autobiograpny of JoJan Hays Hammond

either from the British government or from the rest of the world;
the lives of Jameson and his men would be forfeited.

Bitter as was the decision, we determined to surrender. De Wet
assured us over and over that this was the advice of the high com-
missioner and also of the Queen and that if we complied with their
demand, "not a hair of our heads would be touched."

Later de Wet stated this was merely his private opinion, but at
the time he used every argument to induce us to give up our arms.

January 7th, de Wet and Shippard addressed the crowd from
the balcony of the Rand Club, asking them to accept the ultimatum.
Shippard made a particularly good speech, again promising that, if
the arms were given up, Jameson and the Reform leaders would be
saved.

Wednesday, January 8th, eighteen hundred guns were handed in.
The Boers angrily charged us with bad faith and said there were
many more. We told them they were entirely mistaken; that at the
most we never had possessed more than twenty-seven hundred and
their assumption that we had thirty thousand was erroneous.
Furthermore, we had no artillery to amount to anything. They
were still suspicious, going so far as to search the lowest levels of
the mines.

This was the case of "the engineer hoist with his own petard"
since the Boers* estimate of the number of guns in the possession of
the Reform Committee was based upon the intimation Sammy Marks
had been given by me.

Johannesburg was rapidly returning to normal The wives of the
mine workers went back to the mines, the Transvaal police once
more took over the town, the military companies were disbanded,
the Committee began to catch up on sleep.

The Boer officials had let drop meaningful remarks about arrest-
ing the ringleaders of the conspiracy. I assured my wife, however,
that Great Britain could not allow this after having made promises
of protection. We refused the offer of Simpson, the surveyor for
the Consolidated Gold Fields Company, to supply the four leaders
with horses to take us to Natal should the threat of arrest become
imminent.
Up to the last moment I believed we were in no danger, but on

The Revolt of tte UitUen

Thursday evening, January jth, after the Boers were finally con-
vinced they had secured all the guns, they began to round us up,
Kruger issued a proclamation of amnesty for all but the "chief
offenders, ringleaders, leaders, instigators, and those who have caused
the rebellion at Johannesburg and suburbs," We were to be arrested
immediately, They had no difficulty in picking out to victims
since we had obligingly handed over our membership list,

I was at Heath's Hotel when, at quarter to nine in the evening,
Lieutenant Pietersen sent up his card, I knew what this meant, I
scribbled on the back of the card: "If you promise that I will not
be handcuffed or submitted to any indignity, I'll come down, I'll
blow out the brains of the first man who lays hands on me,"

He sent back word that, on his honor as a gentleman, he would
observe these conditions,

With my gun in my pocket, I descended to the lobby, Tossing it
on the bar, I said, as debonairly as I could under the circumstances;
let's have a drink together, Lieutenant, It may be the last one
I'll get for a long time,"

CHAPTER NINETEEN

Tne Trial

CHARGED WITH HIGH TREASON TAKEN TO JAIL
NO FIT PLACE FOR "GENTLEMEN" THE WHIMS
OF JAILERS GEORGE FARRAR MAKES A GOOD
HOUSEMAID MEASURES FOR RELEASE MY WIFE
PAYS A VISIT TO OOM PAUL THE TRUTH ABOUT
THE RAID PRELIMINARY HEARING OUT ON
BAIL THE GUARDED HOUSE A CASE AGAINST SIR

HERCULES INDUSTRY PARALYZED ON THE RAND

A GRIM JUDICIAL FARCE CONDEMNED TO DEATH

had the distinction if it

could be so considered

of being among the first arrested.

"What's the exact charge, Lieutenant?** I asked Pietersen,

"Inciting to rebellion and high treason/ 7 he gravely replied.

"That has a serious sound. Well, there's nothing to do about it*
Let's go/' I said resignedly.

A dosed carriage waited in front of the hotel, and we climbed
into it. The driver touched his horse and at once we rattled away
over the red dirt streets to the Johannesburg jaiL For several hours
thereafter carriages straggled up to deposit hapless committee mem-
bers who greeted each other with mock gaiety. The last victim of
the night's roundup was Colonel Frank Rhodes, who appeared at
two-thirty in the morning.

354

Tlie Trial 555

About an hour later a file of mounted police wheeled into position
in front of the jail. By the flickering light of candles, lanterns, and
lamps, we re-entered the carriages. The police deployed around us
as we moved off through sleeping Johannesburg to the Park Station,
where a special train was waiting to take us to Pretoria.

Many of the prisoners were burdened with huge bags and rugs
as much luggage as they would have taken on a holiday trip.
Unfortunately, it had never entered their heads that they would
have to be their own porters. Since I had only one small bag and a
pocketful of chocolate, with which my wife had thoughtfully pro-
vided me, I could not refrain from joking them about their elaborate
preparations for a week-end visit to Pretoria.

I have heard that there were about two thousand Boers laagered
along the route, and felt some apprehension should they learn the
identity of the passengers in the train. Their only acknowledgment
of our presence, however, was to hail us derisively as the "New
Transvaal Volksraad."

We were more fortunate than we realized at the time. Those of
the Committee who were not taken into custody until the following
morning endured real abuse. A crowd of vindictive Boers met them
at the Pretoria station, and a shower of stones and brickbats forced
them to make the last few hundred yards to the jail on the double-
quick. Old Captain Mein, who could not keep up with the others,
suffered the most in running this gauntlet.

Pretoria was in no way prepared to receive political prisoners.
There had never been any; consequently, the officials had to put
us in the jail for ordinary criminals, mostly negro.

Just as day was drearily breaking, we were ushered into the brick
enclosed courtyard. On one side of the gate was the guard room;
on the other, the jailer's house. Lining the inside of the walls were
the narrow cells. On eagerly asking where Jameson and his staff
were quartered, we were shown a small building to the right of the
entrance some distance from our cells. Having come first, the
Raiders were best served, since theirs was the only building with
windows* We were told that we could have no communication with
them; neither Raiders nor Reformers were permitted to cross the
chalk lines around what was already known as the Jameson cottage.

356 TLe Automograpny of Joan Hays Hammond

After having been assigned to our separate cells, we were lined
up in the yard and conscientiously searched. Phillips, Farrar, Rhodes,
and I were then placed in a small cell twelve feet square, which
reeked indescribably of the Kaffir prisoners who had previously
occupied it. The only ventilation was through a narrow grille over
the door. The earthen floor was vermin-infested; almost covering
it were four filthy canvas cots, two of them bloodstained. I shuddered
at the sight and smell, but managed to pull myself together sufficiently
to despatch a cheery telegram to my wife.

The corrugated iron sheathing caught the heat from the semi-
tropical sun and retained it throughout the night. The humid and
fetid air made rest impossible. To make conditions worse, I had
been ill for some time with Zambesi dysentery. The first three nights
we were locked in from six to six. Then the prison doctor insisted
that the door of our cell, which led into a small inner court, should
be left open at night. This afforded us some slight relief*

The influx of sixty-four prisoners at one time crowded the jail to
capacity. Among these sixty-four there were seven Americans,
twenty-three English, sixteen South Africans, nine Scotchmen, one
Welshman, one Turk, seven from other countries. In one cell,
twenty-two by fourteen feet, were herded thirty-five of the Re-
formers. When the outer door was shut at night, they had no air
except what passed through a narrow opening into the inner Kaffir
quarters. Save for a narrow gangway down the middle, the floor
was covered with small mattresses.

Sanitary arrangements were entirely lacking inside the cells; out-
side, they were little better. There was a tap in the yard, and an open
furrow through which ran a noisome trickle of town water. This
had to serve as the common washroom for the two hundred and
fifty inhabitants of the jail, one hundred and fifty of them black.
It was a miracle that we did not all succumb to typhoid*

My wife's thoughtfulness stood the four of us in good stead* We
munched chocolate as we tried to accustom ourselves to our new
surroundings. No food was served us until noon. For the first few
days our sole diet was the same as that provided for the Kaffirs- At
six in, the morning when the cell was unlocked, tin pannikins of
mealie meal, as they called corn meal, were set in rows in the yard

He Trial 357

Near by was a bucket of coarse salt which we had to crush with
stones on the cement steps before it could be used. Dinner at twelve
was coarse, tasteless, boiled meat, and half a pound of bread. Sup-
per at five was again nothing but mealie meal. What little appetite
we could muster for this disgusting pap was not sharpened by en-
countering Kaffir hairs in the food.

Several of us were soon in such bad physical condition that arrange-
ments had to be made for better food. Our lawyer, J. W. Sauer,
eventually succeeded in securing permission to have our meals sent
in from the Pretoria Club at irregular intervals. We had to pay for
this luxury, of course.

Du Plessis, the head jailer, a cousin of Kruger, himself admitted
that the prison was no fit place for "gentlemen.'' Nevertheless, he
was stern and strict, even going so far as to have us searched when-
ever he thought it expedient Prison regulations varied from day to
day. Our jailers were subject to whims, but bribery of one kind
or another usually produced amelioration of some particularly ab-
horrent regulation* Sometimes the prisoners were confined to their
cells; sometimes chalk lines marked bounds beyond which they
might not step; sometimes no visitors would be admitted.

During the first week of our imprisonment my sister Betty secured
a visiting permit from the landrost and came bearing several green-
lined umbrellas. These were a special boon because the temperature
often rose to 105 in the shade. Moreover, the fact that Pretoria lies
in a basin makes its climate more enervating than that of Johannes-
burg, which is on the high veldt.

The days passed with wearisome slowness. We were too restless
to spend much time reading or writing letters. Marbles became a
favorite pastime. There was little opportunity for exercise, although
the pedestrian English when allowed walked indef atigably round
and round the compound. Captain Mein increased his reputation
as a raconteur, and was usually surrounded by groups listening to
his illimitable store of western mining anecdotes.

During the daytime most of us were to be found attired in pajamas
and dozing torpidly in the few feet of shade available. Lace was
the only one to keep up appearances; each morning he sedulously
clad himself in his brown suit, pink shirt, and straw hat. For a time

358 Tlie Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

it was rumored that the prison authorities intended to humiliate us
by putting us in prison garb. This alarmed some of my fellow
prisoners more than it did me. I told them that the worse treatment
we received in that respect, the more flagrant the violation of the
conventional treatment of political prisoners, the greater would be
the sympathy aroused for us throughout the world. The Boer gov-
ernment evidently reconsidered their intention and prison garb was
not inflicted upon us.

The receipt of small comforts from home aroused disproportion-
ate pleasure. My own misery was alleviated somewhat when my
wife sent me a trunk containing linen, flea powder, ginger snaps,
Shakespeare, beef essence, and soap.

As time went on, the prison regime became less severe. Ordi-
narily we were allowed to receive visitors daily between two and four
except on Saturday, which was supposedly cleaning day, and on Sun-
day, which was holy. These guests brought us news from the out-
side world.

Business was said to be practically suspended on the Rand, most
of Johannesburg's leading men being in jail. Our property had been
put under interdict* The Johannesburghers had sullenly watched
Commander Piet Cronje's shaggy-faced Boers parade through their
town. These were the same men who later proved themselves such
valiant soldiers in the Boer War.

The report came to us that the Hollanders were more rabid than
the Boers against us. Kruger had proclaimed an amnesty to all but
the "principal criminals/' and asked the inhabitants of Johannesburg
to let him go before the Volksraad with the motto: "Forgotten and
Forgiven."

Kruger had finally agreed with the high commissioner that Jame-
son and his officers should be sent to England for trial instead of
being summarily shot as at first had been threatened. On January
ipth they left for Natal, and we heard later that they were cheered
along the way. Sir Hercules, His task only partially accomplished,
had returned to Cape Town five days earlier without deigning to
take cognisance of our plight

Kruger was reported to have said, *I would pay more heed to a

lie Trial 359

petition from fifty of my burghers than to one from the whole of
Johannesburg!"

The high commissioner had practically ceased negotiations after
securing Jameson's release. On January i4th he notified Chamber-
lain that he was leaving Pretoria. Chamberlain cabled back that
he was perplexed because nothing had been done about the reforms
or the Reformers. He said it was Robinson's duty to use "firm
language": "Send me a full report of the steps that you have already
taken with regard to this matter, and of the further action that you
propose."

Robinson replied that nearly all the leading Johannesburg men
were in jail charged with treason, the cases would be tried, and he
would regard it as ineffectual and impolitic to urge any reforms at
the moment.

Chamberlain's reply was another order for Robinson to resume
negotiations at once. Robinson excused himself on the ground that
we were being treated well, and were represented by able counsel
"The [Transvaal] Government seem acting within their legal rights,
and I do not see how I can interfere." The next day he stated defi-
nitely, "No promise was made to Johannesburg by me as an induce-
ment to disarm," and that between himself and Kruger, "the question
of concessions to Uitlanders has never been discussed."

Robinson had been in Pretoria for ten days. He had not gone
near Jameson. The only information he had requested was statistics
as to the number of prisoners, of killed, and of wounded. He had
made no effort whatever to get in touch with the Reformers, either
personally or through his staff. Moreover, it had been his represen-
tations to Chamberlain as to Jameson's extreme danger that had
induced us to disarm, and we had received by messenger his assurance
of protection for ourselves. We realized fully that the mental vigor
of the high commissioner was on the wane and that he was ill; never-
theless, in my opinion there has never been a worse betrayal of trust
by a high official of the British government than was shown by him
at the time of the Raid.

It has always seemed to me ironical in high degree that, for his
eminent services, Sir Hercules should shortly after have become
Lord Rosmead.

360 The Autobiography of John Hays Hammorul

As soon as Jameson left for England to be tried, we four leaders
were moved into his cottage. In one of its two rooms we slept;
the other we used as a sitting room. Farrar, driven by a desire for
cleanliness, kept house for us 5 and was so efficient in his domestic
role that Colonel Rhodes offered to hire him as a housemaid if they
ever got out of jail. It seemed to be a pleasant diversion for Farrar
to tidy up our quarters, so I humored him. No valet has ever proved
as efficient as my multimillionaire valet, George Farrar. Whenever
my wife visited me, he found a sympathetic listener; she told him
she had had to cope with the same problem. She also told us more of
conditions outside and laughingly commented on the Boers' careful
scrutiny of her handbags for possibly concealed cannon when she
arrived at Pretoria. Her husband had acquired a reputation as an
adept in gun smuggling.

From the time we first went to jail, pressure and influence were
brought to bear on Kruger from all sides to effect our release. With
the exception of the four leaders and Fitzpatrick, secretary of the
Reform Committee, who had been added In place of the absent
Leonard, the rest of the Reformers, after nearly three weeks' incarce-
ration, had been let out on bail of $10,000. Naturally they were not
allowed to leave Pretoria before the trial

As soon as Secretary of State Richard Olney heard of my arrest
he cabled Manion, American consul at Johannesburg, to take instant
measures to see that I received fair play. Since my wife felt that
he had not accomplished anything towards that end, she decided
to take a hand herself. Accordingly, she composed a cablegram
which she despatched under my name, January 30th, to Senator
John P. Jones, of Nevada, asking him to submit copies to Generals
Miles and Schofield, All three men were influential family friends.

She knew that any concern I had for my personal safety had not
allowed me to forget the question of Uitlander grievances. The cable
began with the statement, "The Transvaal is a small unenlightened
retrogressive community, under the government of a narrow oli-
garchy, giving a bad, inefficient administration; monstrous monopo-
lies; corruption rampant." It continued with a more detailed de-
scription of the condition of the Uitlanders, and pleaded that our
government urge the granting of our demands and the fair treatment

Tite Trial 361

of the prisoners, particularly the American ones. "First urge the
reasonableness of our claim; then warn the Transvaal. . . . Urge our
government to act immediately. . . . Enlist sympathy in our favor."

This cablegram was given wide publicity in America through the
Hearst and other newspapers. There were many meetings of mining
engineers throughout the United States, urged by my old friend Dr.
R. W. Raymond, secretary of the American Institute of Mining
Engineers, and the result of the activity of these friends was a deluge
of demands on Secretary Olney to take action in my case. The State
Department finally issued a notice through the press to the effect
that the files were being swamped by petitions, and said that every-
thing possible would be done by the government without any further
petitions, to which Olney added that he would not feel "justified in
making any personal appeal to the President of the South African
Republic on behalf of Mr. Hammond." The Senate and the House
of Representatives, however, felt less diffident Almost the entire
body united, May ist, in a petition to Kruger to pardon me, saying
they would esteem such action an especial compliment to Congress
as well as to the people of the United States.

One amusing, and to me most heartening, aspect of this sympathy
at home was occasioned by the offer of Texas miners to rescue me
by force if the government would be so kind as to provide a trans-
port for them.

Sir Julian Pauncefote, British ambassador at Washington, had
already suggested to Olney that it might be a good idea to put my
case unofficially before Lord Salisbury, the British prime minister, who
would then undoubtedly do what he could for me. Olney after-
wards told me that he had believed this indirect method of proceed-
ing in my case might help to ease the strained situation arising out
of the Venezuela crisis.

I received tangible evidence of British sympathy when Sir Jacobus
de Wet brought to the prison a cablegram from Salisbury, offering
British protection to me and other American prisoners. I told de
Wet to express my appreciation and thanks, and then added: "British
subjects don't seem to be receiving any great amount of support
at home. Since I recognize that my own government is equally
powerless, I prefer to go it alone/'

362 The Autooiograpny of Join Hays Hammond

Towards the end o January my wife, who was seriously ill, decided
to beard Oom Paul himself. It was common knowledge that,
despite his gruff manner, he had a kind heart. She had the idea that
they would find some ground for mutual understanding. My old
friend Sammy Marks, who had tried to pump me so unsuccessfully
a few weeks before at Johannesburg, accompanied her. They found
the President sitting in his parlor with other Boers who regarded
her with a scowl.

Kruger was filling his pipe from a moleskin pouch, and, on Mr.
Marks's introduction, shook hands with my wife. He then lit his
pipe and puffed at it as he solemnly regarded her.

She tells the story in her own diary:

Mr. Grobler, the pleasant faced young man, grandson
and secretary to the President, observing that I was
trembling with fatigue and suppressed excitement,
offered me a chair. We sat opposite each other, the
President in the middle. I spoke slowly, Mr. Grobler
interpreting. This was hardly necessary, President
Kruger answering much that I said before it was in-
terpreted. I could understand him perfectly from my
familiarity with German and especially Platt-Deutsch.

I explained that I had not come to talk politics.
"No, no politics," interrupted the President in a thick
loud voice. Nor had I come to ask favour for my hus-
band, as I felt assured that the honesty of his motives
would speak for themselves at the day of his trial; but I
had come as a woman and daughter of a Republic to ask
him to continue the clemency which he had thus far
shown, and to thank Mrs. Kruger for the tears which
she had shed when Johannesburg was in peril.

President Kruger relaxed a little. "That is true she
did weep." He fixed me with his shrewd glance.
* Where were you?" he asked abruptly.

"I was in Johannesburg with my husband/*

"Were you not afraid? What did you think I was
going to do?"

THE OFFICES OF THE CONSOLIDATED GOLD FIELDS COMPANY
OF SOUTH AFRICA

XJNDER GUARD AT JOHANNKSHfRO

Tke Trial 365

"I hoped that you would come to an understanding
with the Reformers."

His face darkened.

"I was disappointed that the Americans went against
me," he said.

Sammy Marks rose and left the room. I was seized
with one of those sudden and unaccountable panics
and, from sheer embarrassment my mood was far too
tragic to admit of flippancy blurted out, "You must
come to America, Mr. President, as soon as all this
trouble is settled, and see how /<? manage matters/*

Kruger's face lighted up with interest.

"I am too old to go so far."

"No man is older than his brain, Mr. President,"
and Kruger, who knew that in all the trouble he had
shown the mental vigour of a man in his prime, ac-
cepted my praise with a hearty laugh. This was joined
in by the Boers from the other end of the room.

Mrs. Kruger refused to see me, and I liked her none
the less for her honest prejudice. I stood to go. Presi-
dent Kruger rose, removed the pipe from between his
teeth, and, coughing violently, gave me his hand.

Mr. Grobler escorted me to the gate. "Mrs. Ham-
mond, I shall be very glad to serve you in any way pos-
sible to me!" he said with courtesy.

"Then will you say to Mrs. Kruger that I am praying
to the same God that peace may come?"

Mrs* Kruger Tante Sanne, as the Boers called her relented
enough later to see the wives of several of the Johannesburg Re-
formers. When they asked her to use her influence in behalf of the
prisoners, she replied: "Yes, I will do all I can, I am very sorry for
you all, although I knew that none of you thought of me that night
when we heard that Jameson had crossed the border, and we were
afraid the President would have to go out and fight, and when they
went and caught his old white horse that he had not ridden for eight
years. But all the same I am sorry for you all*'

364 Tke Autotiograpty of John Hays Hammond

Bits of information about the Jameson Raid had trickled into
prison through visitors and occasional newspapers. From these I
was able for the first time to piece together in detail what had hap-
pened outside Johannesburg during those eventful days of late De-
cember and early January. Subsequently I became acquainted with
the full case for and against Jameson.

General Gordon once said, "England was never made by her states-
men; England was made by her adventurers." Jameson knew only
too well the exploits of Lord Clive and other famous adventurers
of British history. Recalling the astounding results of his own
audacity in the First Matabele War, he now decided to allow his
personal motives to dominate his course of action; he impetuously
subordinated the welfare of the people of Johannesburg to his over-
weening ambition.

Despite our explicit instructions to Jameson, which lie had received
from both Heaney and Holden, at three o'clock in the afternoon of
Sunday, December spth, he paraded the troops at Pitsani, and read to
them our letter of invitation. Then he explained that he did not
intend any hostilities; he meant only to help the inhabitants of
Johannesburg in their extremity and to ensure the granting of their
just demands.

Such was Dr. Jim's magnetic personality that he hat! no difficulty
in securing the adherence of his five hundred troops to his mad
enterprise of rushing to the rescue of the women and children of
Johannesburg, or, as Alfred Austin, poet laureate, designated them
"the girls of the gold reef city." Even Holden antl Heaney threw
in their lot with their hero, Jameson, and accompanied the column.
Colvin, Jameson's biographer, says that after Heaney had delivered
his message, Jameson paced back ami forth and then said, Tm
going,"

"Thought you would/' said Heaney,

"And what are you going to do?" said Jameson-

"Going with you," said Heaney,

"Thought you would/* said Jameson.

The enthusiasm among the Raiders outran their caution. The
Johannesburg Committee had given careful instructions to Jameson
to cut the wires to Pretoria before he started* The soldiers assigned

Tke Trial 365

to this task were so exhilarated from the effects of the canteen's hav-
ing been thrown open to celebrate the departure that they found
themselves unable to distinguish between certain wire fences and
the telegraph lines; by this most deplorable error the line to Pretoria
was left intact, while that to Johannesburg was cut. The Boers
were thus informed of Jameson's departure for Johannesburg only
a few hours after he had left Pitsani; it was eighteen hours before
any information reached us.

At six-thirty on this Sunday evening the Pitsani column started
with five hundred troopers (not the fifteen hundred he had promised,
nor the fifteen hundred rifles he was to bring to the Reform Com-
mittee), and at five the next morning were joined by the column from
Mafeking at Malmani, thirty-nine miles from Pitsani. In addition
there were about seventy Kaffirs to act as carriers, and to drive the
eleven carts with provisions and ammunition for the eight Maxims,
the two seven-pounders and the one twelve-and-a-half-pounder.

The column followed the road or rather cart track, which led from
Malmani to Krugersdorp. On Tuesday morning it reached the first
stage station and after a short rest the march was resumed.

Wednesday at noon the column reached the outskirts of Krugers-
dorp, the western terminus of the railway line running along the
Rand through Johannesburg, only twenty-one miles away. Scouts
reported that Boer troops were holding a strong position in front of
the ridges which were honeycombed with mine pits and dotted with
tailing dumps.

Jameson was now forced to abandon his cherished but inevitably
futile hope of reaching Johannesburg without bloodshed. When
Willoughby reached Krugersdorp a few shots were exchanged with
the Boer forces. Except for occasional sniping, which caused a few
casualties among the Raiders, the Boers made no attack.

When Jameson ascertained that the Boers were defending the
road we had laid out for him, he consulted with Willoughby as to
what should be done. While this discussion was going on, they
observed two youths, apparently from a neighboring farm, who had
been viewing the progress of the battle with interested eyes. Think-
ing that a native could logically supply the most accurate topo-

366 Tke Autobiography of John Hays Hammond

graphical information, Willoughby asked, "What's the best road
from here to Johannesburg?"

One of the young men, a loyal Boer, replied in perfect English,
"If you follow this road to the right about ten miles you'll come to
Doornkop, and from there you can't miss the way." Under ordinary
conditions ten miles would have been nothing for die column, but
after three days of marching and the recent fighting, men and horses
were hungry and exhausted. The troopers dropped in their tracks
to snatch what rest they could. Early the next morning the bugler
sounded boots and saddles. Willoughby took the road to the right
straight into the Boer trap.

The circle of rocky hills surrounding Doornkop was already
occupied by Cronje's troops. As Jameson's column defiled into the
swampy vlei, the Boers fired down upon them. After an hour's
fight, eighteen of the Raiders had been killed and forty wounded.
Jameson, realizing that he was hopelessly outnumbered and out-
maneuvered, ordered the white flag hoisted. He then had Willoughby
send Cronje, commandant of the Transvaal forccs } the following;

We surrender, provided that you guarantee us safe-
conduct out of the country for every member of the
force.

The commandant answered literally as follows:

OfficerPlease take note that I shall immediately as-
semble our officers to decide upon your communication.

About thirty minutes later Willoughby received the following:

I acknowledge your letter. The answer is that, if you
will undertake to pay the expense which you have
caused the South African Republic, and if you will sur-
render with your arms, then I shall spare the lives of you
and yours. Please send me a reply to this within thirty
minutes.

P. A. CRONJB,
Commandant, Potchcfstroom

Tke Trial 567

Willoughby immediately replied, accepting the following condi-
tions:

I accept the terms on the guarantee that the lives o all
will be spared, I now await your instructions as to how
and where we are to lay down our arms. At the same
time I would ask you to remember that my men have
been without food for the last twenty-four hours.

Thereupon the guns were surrendered to the Boers. Later Com-
mandant Malan, though well aware of the conditions upon which
they had surrendered, told Jameson that he would not guarantee his
life nor the lives of the other leaders, but would hand them over to
General Joubert for judgment

It was then, of course, too late to offer resistance, and Jameson
and his officers were escorted to Pretoria as prisoners of war.

From a study of the evidence available, I am convinced that the
Boer intent at the time was to secure Jameson's surrender as simply
as possible, and that the later deliberate suppression of the terms was
Kruger's idea of diplomacy in dealing with us in Johannesburg.

After the Raid, Willoughby and some of his officers lost their army
commissions. Willoughby tried to defend himself by suggesting
that Chamberlain, as colonial secretary, knew in advance of the pro-
posed invasion and approved it. The story was based on certain
telegrams exchanged between Dr. Rutherf cord Harris and Chamber-
lain relative to the transfer of Bechuanaland to the Cape government.

A whispering campaign was carried on by Chamberlain's enemies
in an endeavor to implicate him. Rhodes definitely acquitted Cham-
berlain at the Parliamentary Inquiry; furthermore, in the many
talks I had with Rhodes afterwards, he never even hinted that
Chamberlain had had anything to do with the Raid, It is preposter-
ous to assert that a statesman of Chamberlain's acumen could have
been party to the Raid. He would have realized how greatly that
would embarrass Great Britain in her foreign relations. But un-
deniably both Chamberlain and the high commissioner did know
that Jameson had troops at Pitsani. I feel satisfied that Chamberlain
has been completely exonerated from complicity in the Raid.

368 Tke Autobiography of J onn Hays Hammond

After Doornkop, Jameson was exceedingly bitter against the Re-
form Committee. He alleged that we had failed to send troops to
his assistance, and that the Raid would not, as Rhodes put it, have
"gone oflf like a damp squib" had we fulfilled our part of the bargain.

To the impartial reader the role played by Jameson in what might
be described as a Comedy of Errors, had it not had such tragic conse-
quences, fixes upon him the responsibility of the "damp squib.'*

According to our understanding with Jameson, he was to come
to us. It was never for a minute contemplated that we should go to
his assistance. Furthermore, there was never at any time any indica-
tion from Jameson that he required support from Johannesburg.
His own telegram of December 27th to his brother "Let J. H. Ham-
mond telegraph instantly all right" proves that he understood he
was not to start until I had given the word.

In the preceding chapter I have carefully shown what steps were
taken by us in Johannesburg to prevent his starting, how he utterly
disregarded both the commands of Rhodes and the proclamation of
Sir Hercules Robinson, and lastly how, through the inexplicable
stupidity of his chief military officer, Willoughby, he was captured.

The case of the Reform Committee against Jameson's accusation
was summed up in the February 17, 1896, issue of the Johannesburg
Times, while we were still imprisoned* It read in part:

We would again . * . direct the attention of the
[Transvaal] Government to the conduct of the Re-
formers when Dr, Jameson crossed the border. They
kept the people from assisting the filibuster, at the
danger of being lynched by their own supporters, sacri-
ficed their reputation, their popularity, their power, and
the cause so dear to their hearts. They swore allegiance
to the Transvaal flag, they put down disorder with a
strong hand, they prevented a shot being fired, although
the Boer patrols fired in defiance of the armistice. When
they could have easily escaped during the two days of
confusion following the Jameson invasion, they waited
quietly, and when called to lend their powerful assist-

He Trial 369

ance, in persuading the armed Uitlanders to lay down
their weapons, they did so faithfully and effectively.
. . . Not one of the men now in gaol had to be chased,
or made the slightest attempt to escape. And no one
supposes that with their wealth they could not all have
devised some means of getting away if they had wanted
to. They stood like men, and deserve some considera-
tion from the Government, from Johannesburg, and
from the world.

In time Jameson came to admit that he might not have been
entirely free of blame for what had happened, though he failed to
make a public statement to that effect.

Sir Robert Williams, one of his intimate friends, met Jameson at
the Burlington Hotel in London after his release from Holloway
Prison and asked him, "Well, Doctor, whose fault was it that the
thing failed?"

"Everybody's fault, 5 ' Jameson answered, "mine included."

If I may have seemed too hard on Jameson in the criticisms I have
just made on his conduct in the Raid, I should like to temper this by
saying that, for the man himself, I always had the greatest admira-
tion and affection.

Dr. Jim was equally ready to take up the scalpel or the sword.
During the Boer War, he heard that one of the bravest of his old
Rhodesians had been badly wounded and could not survive without
a surgical operation. Although himself in ill health and worn out
by fatigue, the doctor jolted all night over the veldt in a Cape cart
drawn by two scrawny mules. He arrived at dawn and performed
a long, difficult operation that saved his former comrade's life. This
action was done in the same quiet manner with which he used to
take from his belt the last piece of biltong and give it to a hungry
sentry in the days when he was pushing the frontier north of the
Zambesi. Instances of this kind endeared Jameson to the people
of Rhodesia.

During those prison days the whole Jameson affair was a subject
for speculation rather than certain knowledge. My wife graphically

370 The Autooiograpny of J onn Hays Hammond

describes the preliminary trial in her book, A Woman 9 s Part in a
Revolution, from which I quote:

Monday, February 3rd. The preliminary trial of the
Reform Committee prisoners was called this morning.
The hearing was in the second Raadzaal. Although the
accommodation for the public was limited there was a
large crowd of Johannesburghers present.

Shortly before ten o'clock an armed escort marched up
to the jail for Messrs. Hammond, Phillips, Farrar, Fitz-
patrick, and Colonel Rhodes. The other Reformers
stood in a bunch at the entrance of the hall. All the
principal government officials were present. Sir Jaco-
bus de Wet appeared, accompanied by Honorable J.
Rose-Innes, Q. C., one of the leaders of the Cape Colony
bar, who had come from the Cape to watch the case
on behalf of the Imperial Government

Punctually at ten the State Attorney, Dr. H, J. Coster,
took his seat, and, beginning with my husband's name,
called the accused into court.

The sixty-four prisoners were assigned to rows of cane-
bottomed chairs in the northwest corner of the building*
The proceedings were in Dutch, and continued through-
out the day. With the exception of a few, none of the
Reformers understood Dutch. The hall was without
ventilation, and overcrowded, and sixty-four more
bored and disconsolate-looking men, I believe, were
never brought together. Some of them fanned vigor-
ously with their hats, others gave themselves up to cir-
cumstances and sank into apathy. On the second day,
profiting by experience, fans and paperbacked novels
were brought into the court room by the arraigned.

There were also present many prominent officials of the Transvaal
Republic*

Since the proceedings were in Dutch, we had little idea of what
was going on. The testimony of each witness was read back to him

Tte Trial 371

in a free translation by the interpreter. Thereupon he was asked to
sign the notes of his evidence, the accuracy of which he had to take
on faith.

The second day of the hearing, I was too ill to attend. My wife,
who immediately noticed my absence, came at once to the prison.

After one look at me, she said, "Fm going to get you out of here,
Jack."

Feeling too miserable to be moved, and in dread lest hospital con-
ditions be even worse than those to which I had become more or less
accustomed, I replied, *Td rather stay here than go to the prison
hospital."

"I've a better plan than that," she answered reassuringly, and
hurried off. So successful was her intervention with the Transvaal
officials that, before the end of the day, I had been moved into a small
cottage in Pretoria, My wife, her maid, and my sister Betty were
permitted to be with me. Captain de Korte, a Dutch officer serving
with the Boers, lived with us in the house. Thirteen men formed
the exterior guard.

Although living conditions were vastly improved by this transfer,
prison regulations remained in effect; surveillance was close. All
letters and telegrams were censored by Captain de Korte, and all
visitors had to have permits. The ladies were allowed to leave the
house only twice a week* De Korte, although strict, was most con-
siderate, even to the point of wearing civilian clothes instead of his
uniform in the house. The guards were careful to see that we did
not escape* One soldier remained always at the bedroom door while
we slept, and two others were posted just outside the window on
the veranda. My wife and I could never exchange a private word.
Sometimes we wrote a message which would be burnt at the bed-
room candle as soon as read.

The illness which I had contracted on my trip to Rhodesia had
been aggravated by my distressing experiences in the jail, and I was
exceedingly weak. A few steps were sufficient to exhaust my
strength; I appeared to be growing steadily worse. In great anxiety
of mind, my wife summoned Dr. Murray, our family physician,
from Johannesburg. His representations of my state of health in-

372 Tne Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

duced the Boer officials to give permission for me to drive out daily,
but I was too ill to avail myself often of the privilege.

Since I did not improve, my wife decided I ought to be taken to
Johannesburg where the higher altitude produced a more bracing
climate* To everybody's surprise she secured consent to remove me
to my own home. At the same time Phillips, Farrar, and Frank
Rhodes, who also had suffered in health, were transferred from the
Jameson cottage, with its mildewed walls and damp floor, to new
quarters just outside Pretoria.

Each of us was to pay the entire cost of his detention and to deposit
$50,000 in sovereigns as bail. Since it would have taken me too long
to raise the money elsewhere, I accepted Barnato's kind offer to supply
the necessary currency.

With his usual impetuosity, Barney was causing a great furore at
the time by being one of the first to threaten to close down or sell
his mining properties. His explanation was that it was no use try-
ing to operate them with all his associates in prison.

The prospect of getting out of Pretoria gave me strength enough
to survive the train journey. De Korte and nine soldiers accompanied
us and at the Johannesburg station turned us over to a new guard.
These local Vrywilligers hurried us off before I could even exchange
a word with the members of my engineering staff who were there
to meet me.

I was kept in even closer custody at my own home in Johannesburg
than had been the case at Pretoria. At night there were two guards
instead of one outside the bedroom door; one was posted at each of
the windows, and more were scattered outside. These extraordinary
precautions seemed somewhat fantastic in view of the fact that I
could not have tottered around the block. When Captain de Korte
came to see me without securing a permit, the commander of my
guard was so angered that he lodged a complaint*

The same afternoon on which we returned home, February i8th,
there was an appalling explosion at Fordsburg, one of the suburbs.
Our son, Jacky, then seven years old, had been digging with a miner's
polepick in the garden. When extracted from his refuge under the
bed, his comment was, 'When I was digging in the garden and
that terrible noise came, I thought I had dug up hell"

Tke Trial 573

Our superstitious Kaffirs were under the impression that the sun
had burst-
Actually fifty-five tons of nitroglycerine had exploded, wounding
seven hundred persons, killing eighty, and rendering fifteen hundred
homeless. This shocking catastrophe was entirely attributable to
the negligence of the Netherlands Railway, Since Fordsburg was
the section of town occupied by the poorer Boer inhabitants, there
were virtually no Uitlander casualties. Nevertheless, the Uitlanders
at once turned over the Wanderers* Club to the homeless and opened
subscription lists for relief of the sufferers. In a few hours they had
raised $325,000, the railway supplied $50,000, while the Boer govern-
ment contributed $125,000.

Kruger himself hurried from Pretoria and thanked Johannesburg
for coming so nobly to the rescue of the afflicted. Speaking, as he
always did, in the manner of a predikant, he chose as the text of his
speech, "Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy."

In spite of the improved climate and better care, my health failed to
improve at Johannesburg, It was finally arranged, on doubling my
bail to $100,000 which my friend Barney again supplied that I
might go to Cape Town for a few weeks pending our trial, with the
hope that the sea air would prove beneficial. By this time the mem-
bers of my guard and I were on such friendly terms that, before we
parted, they asked to be photographed with me. I willingly agreed
to this request. While we were wishing each other good luck over
a bottle of champagne in the garden, the carriages were waiting in
front. My wife sent Jacky to hunt me up. He returned with the
report, "Papa is playing with his guard outside."

By way of diversion Jacky accompanied me on my trip to Muizen-
burg, the sea resort near Cape Town. My wife was to follow us
next day. On arrival at Muizenburg I joined Joseph Story Curtis,
another of the Reform Committee. He had been partially paralyzed
as a result of his prison hardships and never recovered sufficiently
to stand trial.

Through the kindness of Miss Louise Rhodes, sister of Cecil, I was
given the cottage in which Rhodes subsequently passed away.

Fortunately for Jacky, my wife arrived as per schedule. The boy
had complained several times a day that his clothes were too small

374 XLe Autooiograpny of John Hays Hammond

*

and uncomfortable. I appeased him temporarily by telling him
that he was growing very rapidly and would soon be a man. As
soon as his mother came, however, the cause of his discomfort was
perceived. It seems I had been putting his trousers on hind part
before.

As soon as I arrived I was besieged by queries, "What do you think
Rhodes is going to do ?" I found that the political enemies of Rhodes
were assiduously spreading the report that he had deserted Jameson
and the Reformers. This I most emphatically denied, expressing
the opinion of the Reform Committee that we were convinced Rhodes
had made every possible effort to prevent Jameson's departure from
Pitsani.

That Rhodes had resigned as premier of Cape Colony, on January
5th, and had gone to London before our trial, did not in the least
indicate desertion of us. We realized that even if he remained in
Africa he could be of no help to us, and any attempt by him to
influence Kruger would only result in incensing the Boer president.
The Committee believed there was some possibility of Rhodes being
of service to us in London. This belief was justified by what I
learned from Rhodes when I saw him in London for the first time
after my release from prison.

Rhodes's reason for leaving South Africa so soon after Jameson's
surrender was to attend a meeting of the Chartered Company, He
was attempting to re-establish confidence and, in behalf of the in-
vesting public, steady the South African securities market, which had
precipitously tumbled to practically nothing. I was convinced that
Rhodes would return to South Africa as soon as possible and go to
Rhodesia to take measures against the Matabcle, who had revolted on
March 24th because of Jameson's absence in England awaiting trial
This was exactly what Rhodes did. He reached Bulawayo at the
end of March, while we were still prisoners, and immediately took
measures to suppress the uprising o the Matabele which I have
described in a previous chapter.

While I was recuperating at Muizenbwg, one of my visitors was
Sir Gordon Sprigg, Rhodes's successor as premier. During the course
of our conversation, Sprigg brought up the subject of the financial

Tke Trial 375

difficulties of the Cape Railway. There had been a great faliing-off
in the freight shipped over the road to Johannesburg, owing to the
closing down of many of the mines and the rescinding of orders for
machinery and supplies.

This gave me a logical opportunity to intercede for the Reform
prisoners.

"Sir Gordon," I began, "I feel sure your personal sympathies are
with the Reform Movement. I realize also that you have to concili-
ate Kruger, which puts you in a difficult situation politically. I'm
sure, however, that some means must be devised for effecting the
release of the Reformers,"

Sir Gordon eyed me dubiously. C *I deeply sympathize with your
sufferings, Mr. Hammond, but I have no authority to act in this
matter. My paramount duty is to attempt to bring business condi-
tions in the Cape back to normal."

"That's undoubtedly true," I replied, "but the prosperity of the
Cape cannot be dissociated from that of the Transvaal. You know
as well as I do why business is paralyzed. I have been authorized
to tell you that the Reformers who, as you know, hold the economic
interests on the Rand in their hands intend to stop the further pur-
chase of Boer properties, close down the mines now operating, and
cancel the purchase of large orders of machinery that were to be
transported over the Cape Colony Railway lines, the only way to
stop this is to secure the release of the prisoners."

**Why," replied Sir Gordon, "that would tend to precipitate a busi-
ness panic. Coming at the same time as the rinderpest, which has
decimated the cattle, it would work untold misery to the people of
the country."

, 'True, Sir Gordon. On the other hand, the mines could not be
operated successfully under present working conditions. These con-
ditions exist because in the past men of your political power have
not made full use of their influence with the Boers in behalf of the
Uitlanders. We have made an attempt toward reform and failed;
now it is up to you to solve the problem."

As the time set for the trial drew near, my health had improved
somewhat and I could walk about

3/6 The A.utooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

One day after I had returned to my hotel from a walk, a "minister"
was announced and, though I doubted that any minister would
care to see me, I told the clerk at the desk to send him up. My
visitor's face seemed vaguely familiar; but it was not until he had
divested himself of his whiskers that I recognized Richard A. Parker,
one of iny mining staff. Although among those ordered to be
arrested, he had succeeded in escaping from the Transvaal in his
clerical disguise. His mission at Cape Town was to keep me from
returning to Pretoria. In spite of his reluctance to abandon his com-
rades and, as he expressed it, to show the white feather, I insisted on
his taking the first steamer leaving the country. This was in the
interest of the Reform Committee rather than out of consideration
for Parker's welfare.

In addition to this personal warning, many of my friends in the
Transvaal wrote me that feeling against the Reform leaders was
intense and that, if I were not assassinated en route to Pretoria, I
should certainly be condemned to death upon my arrival. Victor
Clement, who was carrying on the operations at the Consolidated
Gold Fields in my absence, also vehemently deprecated my return.
He suggested that if my illness were to continue the Transvaal gov-
ernment could not forfeit my bail without incurring consular inter-
ference. After sentence had been passed, I could then decide whether
I should return or forfeit bail. Simpson, another of my engineers,
wrote me to the same effect. Even de Korte confidentially urged me
by all means to remain away.

Alarm for the safety of the Reformers was increased by the rumor
that certain of the more intransigent Boers intended to lynch the
leaders before trial Commandant Henning Pretorius, a prominent
Boer official, had visited Cape Colony shortly after the Raid. There
he found that the original beam used to hang the five Boers con-
demned by the British after "Slagtcr's Nek*' had been built into a
Boer farmhouse at Cookhouse Drift. He had purchased the beam
and brought it back to Pretoria* With sinister intent, the local news-
paper, Volfystern, then published a description of the 1816 executions,
and called on the people to avenge themselves on the Reformers.
Chamberlain was informed of this threat; he cabled Kruger that the

Tke Trial 377

president would be held personally responsible for the safety of the
Reform leaders. Pretorius thereupon made the excuse that he had
brought back the beam to be placed in the National Museum; Kruger
increased the guard around the prison.

Without my knowledge my friends had used every argument to
induce my wife to prevent my returning to Johannesburg. She says
in her account:

Mr. Manion, the Consular Agent, and Mr. R. E.
Brown, an American just arrived in Cape Town from
the Rand, took me aside and laid the case in all its bare
brutality before me. To allow my husband to return to
Pretoria was for him to meet certain death. If he were
not lynched by the excited Boers, he was sure to get a
death sentence. Mr. Brown showed feeling as he plead
with me to use a wife's influence to save her husband's
life. My head was swimming. I could only repeat in a
dull, dogged way: "He says his honour takes him back.
He is the father of my sons, and I'd rather see him dead
than dishonoured."

Somehow I got to my room, and the page-boy
stumbled over me at the door some time afterward,
and ran for Mrs. Cavanagh. When I felt a little re-
covered, I put on my hat, and, not waiting for my hus-
band's return from an appointment with Dr. Thomas,
I drove to the office of Mr. RoseJnnes. He was not in,
and his clerk declared he did not know when he would
be in. "Very well, then; 111 wait until he does come in."
I was gu/en a comfortable chair, and a dictionary was
dusted and placed under my feet. Mr. Rose-Innes at
length appeared. He was greatly astonished to find me
waiting for him. I began abruptly: "Dear Mr. Rose-
Innes, I am in need of a friend; my distress is so great
that I can no longer distinguish right from wrong." I
told him everything; showed him the letters which I
had received, and, facing him, asked, "What is my
duty? I can appeal to my husband for my sake, to save

378 The Autobiography of John Hays Hammond

the life of our child [she was an expectant mother]
and perhaps dissuade him ! My God, it is a temptation!"

Mr. Rose-Innes sat deep in thought.

"If you think his going back is a needless throwing
away of a valuable life," I began, with a timid hope be-
ginning to grow in my heart "I will chloroform him
and have him taken to sea!"

Mr. Rose-Innes leaned forward, and took my hand
gently between his own: "Mrs, Hammond, your hus-
band is doing the right thing in going back; don't try to
dissuade him. If he were my own brother I would say
the same" and I accepted his decision.

We returned to Pretoria,

Just before my scheduled departure, however, I became so ill that
my friends petitioned the Boer government for a stay. The only
reply was an abrupt notification from State Attorney Coster to
American Consul Chapin that I must be on hand for the convening
of the High Court in Pretoria at ten o'clock, Friday, April 24th.

On the eve of the trial Coster agreed with our chief advocate,
Wessels, that, if the leaders would consent to plead guilty to the
charge of high treason, he would permit the rest of the Reform Com-
mittee to plead guilty to a merely nominal offense. Wessels assured
us that if we should plead not guilty, there would certainly be a trial
of long duration with an inevitable verdict against us. We had also
the alternative of claiming there had been an arrangement with the
Boer government which had been broken by our arrest. The final
choice was to accept Coster's proposal and plead guilty, realizing that
conviction in any case was a foregone conclusion.

Many of the Committee objected to admitting guilt, but Coster
insisted that, if this bargain was to be made, the picas would have
to be uniform*

So far as the leaders were concerned, we were of one mind in agree-
ing to accept whatever punishment might be decreed for us in order
to exculpate so far as possible the other Reformers, many of whom
had been induced to enter the revolution by our example. Coster's
strategy in persuading us to plead guilty would be of definite advaa-

Hie Trial 379

tage to the Boer government; they would avoid having their dirty
political linen washed before an eagerly awaiting world.

Once the arrangement had been reached, Coster and Wessels dis-
cussed the form of law under which the case would be tried. The
Transvaal courts operated under the Roman Dutch law, save where
special statutes had been passed. Coster said the statute law, mild in
term, applied to our case, although he qualified this by admitting that
the trial judge had the power to rule otherwise. This, our attorney
informed us, was extremely unlikely.

Considerable difficulty arose over the choice df a judge to preside
at the trial Three out of the five Supreme Court justices were dis-
qualified because they had acted as emissaries in the preliminary
dealings at the time of the Olive Branch negotiations between the
Reform Committee and the Boer government. A fourth was ad-
mittedly too much of a Boer partisan; the fifth was a liberal and,
although it was his turn to preside, he was passed over by Coster
he could not be relied upon to render a sufficiently severe sentence*
Consequently the government decided on Gregorowski to conduct
the trial. This judge had recently come from the Orange Free State
and had been appointed Chief Justice of the Transvaal in place of
Kotz& Gregorowski was so noted for his severe sentences upon all
offenders save Boers that he had been given the sobriquet of "the
hanging judge."

All these points had been decided upon before I started on my
journey from Cape Town to Pretoria with Dr. Scholtz in attendance.
Since my name had been telegraphed on ahead, at each station
beyond the border many Boer farmers came into the car to satisfy
their curiosity about the criminal. By the time we had reached
Johannesburg, Dr. Scholtz decided it would be impossible for me
to continue the journey. We wired that I would arrive at Pretoria
on the following day by the noon train* This accounts for my
absence the first day of the trial.

Wessels explained to the court that my illness would prevent my
attendance before Monday, and applied for postponement. When
this was refused, he pleaded guilty to high treason for the three
leaders present, and a copy of this plea was signed by the accused.
On my arrival at Pretoria the document was brought to me, and I

380 Tne Autooiograpny of Jonn Hays Hammond

affixed my name as evidence of my concurrence in all that had been
done.

Monday morning the trial was resumed in the great Market Hall,
quickly converted from the dispensing of food to the dispensing of
justice. An hour before the trial began a great crowd had assembled
at the main entrance, although it was known that admission was by
special ticket only. The guards at the gate were so conscientious on
the first day that some of the accused themselves would have been
turned away had they not been identified.

With the other leaders I made my entrance into a room already
packed with jurymen, witnesses, press representatives, and favored
visitors, both men and women. On the floor, covered with coconut
matting, had been placed long plain forms for the accused, the wit-
nesses, and the officials. Facing the main entrance was a large
carpeted dais, raised about a foot from the floor. Green baize cur-
tains had been hastily arranged to produce the proper judicial dignity,
while piles of documents and books provided the legal atmosphere.
Many women were already on the platform, and it was difficult to
find room for late arrivals. Fifty or more local police were scattered
throughout the hall to quell any possible disorder.

At the rear of the hall the judge occupied a temporary bench raised
a foot and a half above the dais, before which were tables and chairs
for the bar. On the left was the witness stand; on the right, accom-
modations for a supernumerary jury. The press was represented by
a large group from the leading European papers.

The prisoners were conducted to seats between the dais and the
barricade on the right, and facing the witness box. The acoustics
were naturally poor so that, with the exception of the judges and
advocates, few of those present could hear what was going forward.
>, Coster presented the case for the state in a restrained and quiet
manner. We were startled, however, when he read into the record
the evidence captured from Major White at Doornkop. This was
the first inkling we had that the state was in possession of such proof.

At the time of Jameson's surrender at Doornkop the Boers cap-
tured Major Robert White's despatch box, containing diaries, note-
books, codes, cipher keys, and worst of all, the letter of invitation

Tke Trial 381

which we had given to Jameson undated on condition that he use it
only when so ordered by us. Now, to our astonishment and con-
sternation, we learned that the date of the letter had been filled in as
of December 20th, and that Major White, as magistrate in Bechuana-
land Protectorate, had certified it as a true copy. Furthermore, while
in the jail in Pretoria, he had confirmed his own affidavit. Later he
said he did not remember anything about this, but the charge was
made that he had made the confirmation in exchange for the re-
turn of some of his private papers. We subsequently learned that,
without authority and unknown to us, Dr. Wolff had actually filled
in the date at Jameson's request.

When Coster finished, Wessels first entered a written statement
setting forth the motives which had activated us and explaining why
our so-called rebellion had been no more than constitutional agita-
tion. He ended his defense with an eloquent plea for clemency*

To the amazement of all, Coster then jumped to his feet and, in
contrast with his previous quiet manner, burst into a violent diatribe
against the Reformers. Wessels objected, but was overruled. Coster
acted like one possessed. He ran up and down the platform, waving
his hands in the air. His voice rose excitedly until the words "Hangen
bij den nek!" repeated over and over, warned us that our agreement
was to be abrogated. Even with only a rudimentary knowledge of
Dutch, we could make out only too well that he was urging sentence
under the Roman Dutch law instead of the Transvaal statutes.

At the termination of his harangue, court was adjourned until the
following day. It was apparent now that the rumors of a severe
sentence were to be uncomfortably confirmed.

The next morning, Tuesday, the town swarmed with burghers.
The state artillery was omnipresent and troops were massed in
Market Square to prevent any demonstration. The audience was
packed tightly into the extemporaneous courtroom. A feeling of
ominous suspense pervaded the hall; the atmosphere of agitation
was conveyed by a perpetual shuffle of feet, a flutter of fans, subdued
whispers, an occasional clank of arms, the constant sound of foot-
steps passing to and fro in the rear.

Judge Gregorowski took his seat. He smiled slightly as he made

382 The Autobiography of JoLn Hays Hammond

an apparently jocular remark to an attendant. Then, recovering his
solemnity, he made the unexpected and significant request that the
court be cleared of women.

When the last of them had vanished through the great doors, the
judge began to pass in review the evidence before him, making no
reference to the statement on our behalf that had been submitted the
day before. He reviewed the statute law and gave his reasons for
setting it aside in favor of the Roman Dutch law. His voice droned
on interminably.

He brought to an end his summing up of the legal aspects of the
case about an hour after court had convened. Just as he finished, a
small wooden dock, large enough for only four men, was carried in
over the heads of the assemblage, and set down before him.

He then stated that the signatories of the Jameson letter were
directly responsible for shedding burghers' blood at Doornkop. He
was prepared, he said, to pass upon them the only sentence possible
under the Roman Dutch law. Whatever hope there might be for
mercy must lie in the hearts of the Executive Council and in the
magnanimity of the president. Certainly, in no other quarter could
there be the slightest grounds for hope.

"Lionel Phillips, George Farrar, Francis Rhodes, John Hays Ham-
mond !'* called the registrar.

We were led into the dock. The sheriff called for silence; there
was a pause until a complete hush had fallen.

"Lionel Phillips, have you any legal reason to urge why sentence
of death should not be passed upon you?"

The firm response was "No," After a pause, Gregorowski care-
fully adjusted the black cap on his head, and pronounced sentence.

The same words were intoned to Colonel Rhodes and George
Farrar, the interpreter repeating them in English until he broke
down under the strain. Half-suppressed exclamations of protest and
horror began to break forth, in spite of the threatening attitude of
the soldiers and attendants.

In no way perturbed, Gregorowski now turned to me. Angered
by the Boer treachery to a point where fear could play no part, I
looked steadily at the judge and repeated the same bleak monosyllable.

Tke Trial 383

The room had become so still that I could clearly distinguish his
solemn words. "The sentence of the court is that you be taken from
this place where you are now, and 'be conveyed to the jail at Pre-
toria, or any such other jail in this Republic as may be appointed by
law, that you be kept there till a time and place of execution shall be
appointed by lawful authority, and that you be taken to the place of
execution to be there hanged by the neck till you are dead. *

"May Almighty God have mercy on your soul."